Education Minister Yusuf Tekin, who found himself at the heart of a secularism debate after he instructed schools to organize Ramadan-themed events, stood his ground as more people came out to endorse the practice.

Prior to Ramadan, a so-called “secularism declaration” by a group of celebrities, writers and intellectuals claimed Türkiye was becoming “Talibanized” and with Ramadan, the debate heightened, with the opposition parties joining the chorus against the events.

Speaking at an event in Istanbul on Saturday, on the anniversary of the Feb. 28, 1997 coup, Tekin drew parallels with that process, which was basically a witch hunt targeting Muslims in Türkiye.

Tekin said that during the Feb. 28 process, pressure spread from school gates and campus corridors to teachers’ lounges and even into families’ private decisions at home. Girls wearing headscarves, students of imam-hatip schools (which offer additional curriculum on religion) and devout working families all bore the heavy burden of the intervention together.

Referring to recent criticism surrounding Ramadan activities in schools, Tekin said the country is now facing an updated version of the same language used by proponents of the coup and that the issue should be addressed openly and directly.

“When our children learn about Ramadan, understand the discipline of fasting, grow curious about the meaning of prayer and meet the voice of their own civilization through hymns in the schoolyard, who exactly is triggered into an ideological alarm, and why?” he asked.

“How can a child learning about iftar, patience, charity and respect be construed as a threat? What kind of regime crisis can you manufacture from children decorating for Ramadan? Please explain to me which legal order is harmed by children singing hymns during recess. Those who speak of pedagogy, by what pedagogical standard do you exclude children’s right to know their own culture? Those who speak of freedom, why do you resort to prohibitive language when it comes to the nation’s faith and this country’s spiritual memory? How do those who claim to defend secularism justify portraying the joy of Ramadan in a schoolyard as reactionism, children’s engagement with values education as a threat and society’s genuine bond with faith as a danger?”

Tekin said statements circulated in response to the activities once again revealed what he described as a longstanding intolerance toward the public visibility of the nation’s faith.

“The language that labels a Ramadan event a regime crisis, while targeting the joy of children in schoolyards, clearly shows discomfort with the authentic bond formed with the essence of these lands,” he said. “From this perspective, we can better understand why debates on secularism are repeatedly dragged into the same channel.”

Tekin underlined that secularism in Türkiye had been turned into one of the sharpest tools of tutelage. Responding to those who repeat that “defending secularism is not a crime,” Tekin said, “Of course it is not. The problem lies in a mentality that uses that sentence as a shield while hurling insults at women wearing headscarves, people in religious attire or even an elected mayor because of traditional dress.”

He said the same mindset that once expelled headscarf-wearing students from campuses as centers of reactionism and profiled teachers as “bearded, unionized, risky personnel” now appears in those who cry that “secularism is under threat” over Ramadan activities.

“The problem is not secularism,” he said. “The problem is an obsessive and arrogant understanding of secularism. Those who try to manufacture a regime crisis out of children singing hymns during recess or learning about their own culture and calendar under values education are effectively saying: ‘This society’s faith cannot be visible in the public sphere.’”

Tekin noted that in Western countries, a vast industry has grown out of church-based gospel music without prompting concerns that secularism is under threat.

He said there is an effort to confine children’s awareness of national and spiritual values and their singing of hymns to the home, opposing the reflection of those values in schools, streets or even Parliament. In Türkiye, however, he said, a single hymn, a single piece of traditional clothing or a single Ramadan activity is enough to trigger what he called secular anxiety.

“This is nothing more than the marketing of naked Islamophobia under the packaging of secularism,” Tekin said. “This nation does not have to feel embarrassed for defending its faith and its children’s education. Our objection is to a tutelary language that repeatedly turns the principle of secularism into a pretext for attacking the nation’s beliefs and values.”

The Daily Sabah Newsletter

Keep up to date with what’s happening in Turkey,
it’s region and the world.

SIGN ME UP

You can unsubscribe at any time. By signing up you are agreeing to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

Türkiye’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan discussed the recent developments in the region with counterparts from across the Middle East, a Turkish Foreign Ministry source said Saturday.

Fidan held phone calls with foreign ministers of Iran, Saudia Arabia, Qatar, Syria and others, to discuss steps to take in order to end U.S. and Israeli attacks on Türkiye’s neighbor Iran, the source said.

The United States and Israel launched strikes on Iran earlier on Saturday, targeting its leadership and plunging the Middle East into a new conflict that President Donald Trump said would end a ⁠security threat to the U.S. and give Iranians a chance to topple their rulers.

Tehran responded by ⁠launching missiles at Israel. Explosions also rang out in nearby oil-producing Gulf Arab countries, which said they had intercepted missiles from Iran after Tehran warned it would strike the region if it was attacked.

The first wave of strikes in what the Pentagon named “OPERATION EPIC FURY” mainly targeted Iranian officials, a source familiar with the matter said.

The Daily Sabah Newsletter

Keep up to date with what’s happening in Turkey,
it’s region and the world.

SIGN ME UP

You can unsubscribe at any time. By signing up you are agreeing to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

Türkiye on Saturday rejected social media claims that it supported recent attacks on Iran, calling them disinformation and reiterating that its airspace, territory and maritime zones are not used for military operations in conflicts to which it is not a party.

Authorities said allegations circulating online that Türkiye facilitated or assisted the strikes were unfounded and intended to mislead the public.

Officials stressed that Ankara does not allow its air, land or maritime assets to be used in ways that would benefit any side in an external conflict, describing the policy as a core principle of the country’s foreign and security approach.

They added that Türkiye exercises full sovereignty over its airspace, territory and maritime jurisdiction areas, and that any activity within those zones is conducted solely in line with national security assessments and under the supervision of relevant authorities.

The government also urged the public to disregard speculative or unverified reports and to rely on information issued by official sources.

The United States and Israel launched an attack Saturday on Iran, with the first apparent strike happening near the offices of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Iranian media reported strikes nationwide, and smoke could be seen rising from the capital.

President Donald Trump said in a video posted on social media that the U.S. had begun “major combat operations in Iran.” He claimed Iran has continued to develop its nuclear program and plans to develop missiles to reach U.S.

The Daily Sabah Newsletter

Keep up to date with what’s happening in Turkey,
it’s region and the world.

SIGN ME UP

You can unsubscribe at any time. By signing up you are agreeing to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

While giving a tour of the terrace garden she maintains at the Czech Consulate, Olga Hajflerova, paused to admire the Istanbul skyline.

“It’s a privilege to be in this part of the city,” the consul general remarked.

Hajflerova, who recalled her two and a half years of experience in Türkiye with great admiration, said that she appreciates the strengthening ties between the two countries.

She noted that many Czech citizens once viewed Türkiye as a distant holiday destination with a different culture and that Europe and Türkiye have not always been certain how they perceive one another.

However, defining her mission as helping Czechs and Europeans understand that Türkiye and they have much in common, she said, “We are based on the same values, not just interest or needs. We are one people.”

“Our societies may function slightly differently in detail, but fundamentally we are the same,” Hajflerova added, reminding that she gave the same message a year ago in the opinion article she wrote for Daily Sabah.

To promote mutual understanding, Consul General Hajflerova and her team have been actively working in Istanbul.

“If I had a team 10 times bigger here, I would still be very busy because the potential is enormous,” she explained.

Expanding cultural, educational ties

One of Hajflerova’s personal interests is education, as she described the Czech Consulate General as one of Istanbul’s most dynamic in this field, supporting more than 20 student clubs.

She shared her love of meeting with Turkish university students and discussing international affairs, political developments, and diplomatic careers with them.

“In exchange for my experience, I receive their energy and motivation, and I hope it is as meaningful for them as it is for me,” she said.

Apart from the field of education, the Czech Consulate General organizes events to promote cultural exchange.

The next planned event, Hajflerova said, is a photo exhibition by Turkish photographer Izzet Keribar. Opening April 2 at Nişantaşı Işık Gallery, it will showcase Prague and Czechia to Turkish visitors.

Following that, in May, Hajflerova noted the consulate will organize a Czech food festival. As the third edition of the event, the festival will feature special chefs from Czechia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Previously, the consulate hosted several other events, which included an exhibition of Czech crystal artistry at the Basilica Cistern and a photo and documentary exhibition dedicated to the legacy of former Czech President Vaclav Havel.

Hajflerova added that, beyond the success of these events, attracting the Turkish public’s interest in the Czech Republic requires little effort, as Turks are already enthusiastic about the country, especially when it comes to visiting.

Growing co-op across sectors

However, when it comes to visiting the European Union for academic, touristic or business reasons, Turkish citizens have been facing difficulties in obtaining Schengen visas for years.

The EU has argued that the processes managed by accredited visa agencies have been slow due to the high number of applications and that it has been discussing possible solutions with Ankara.

“The general imagination that the EU countries restrict Turkish citizens from coming to Europe is not true,” Hajflerova said, adding that the Czech Consulate has been trying to make the procedure as easy as possible for visitors.

She also emphasized that about 90% of Turkish applicants for Schengen visas to visit Czechia were approved.

According to Türkiye’s Minister of Trade, Ömer Bolat, tourism flows between Türkiye and the Czech Republic are steadily increasing, with approximately 100,000 Turkish citizens traveling to the Czech Republic each year, while the number of Czech visitors to Türkiye has reached about 400,000 annually.

Underlining the significance of connectivity, Hajflerova also highlighted Turkish Airlines and Pegasus having multiple daily direct flights between Türkiye and the Czech Republic.

“I am also very pleased to announce that we are in talks with Pegasus Airlines, and I understand they are eager to expand connections between our countries,” she added.

In December 2025, Turkish low-cost carrier Pegasus Airlines announced it signed a deal to buy the biggest Czech airline, Smartwings, along with its owner, Czech Airlines (CSA), in a bid to strengthen its presence in Europe and expand globally.

While tourism and civil aviation connectivity are important elements of Türkiye and the Czech Republic’s relations, defense cooperation also has a significant place in the two countries’ bilateral relations.

In February, Türkiye’s defense and electronics giant Aselsan and Czech defense firm Excalibur International, part of the CSG group, signed a strategic cooperation agreement to establish an EU-based joint venture while simultaneously introducing the Korkut air defense system integrated on the Tatra Force 6×6 wheeled platform.

“The partnership aims to expand joint defense capabilities for European and global markets,” stated the Czech firm.

Hajflerova emphasized that, in addition to existing economic, industrial and defense cooperation, many other sectors have potential for growth, including agriculture.

Referring to Czech companies’ participation in Agroexpo International Agriculture and Livestock Exihibition which was organized in İzmir in February, Hajflerova said, “We brought ecological methods of agricultural production to help that production is healthy and sustainable.”

The consul general said that Czech participation in the event drew strong interest not only from Turkish companies but also from firms in the region.

Agroexpo 2026, one of Europe’s four largest agricultural fairs and Türkiye’s largest, hosted 426 participants, 56 of whom were foreign. A total of 110,715 people visited Agroexpo, 12,760 of whom were foreign, from 112 countries.

Türkiye called on Pakistan and Afghanistan to return to the negotiation table regarding the recent tension between both sides, Turkish diplomatic sources said Friday.

Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan held a series of phone calls with several of his regional counterparts on Friday to discuss the recent tensions between Islamabad and Kabul and pledged to help facilitate both sides sitting at a negotiation table, sources said.

Fidan spoke separately with Pakistani Foreign Minister Muhammad Ishaq Dar, Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi, Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani and Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, the sources said.

The conversations focused on the latest tensions and diplomatic developments between Pakistan and Afghanistan, amid heightened regional attention to security and political dynamics between the two neighbors.

Pakistan and Afghanistan exchanged heavy cross-border fire on Thursday after Kabul launched retaliatory strikes against Pakistani military positions, prompting Islamabad to accuse the Afghan Taliban administration of “unprovoked action” and insisting its forces delivered an “immediate and effective response” across multiple sectors of the frontier.

Cross-border clashes intensified Thursday along the Pakistan-Afghanistan frontier, with both sides reporting military operations and casualties in some of the most serious fighting since recent tensions began to escalate.

The airstrikes follow months of hostilities between the two countries. The last serious flare-up was in October, after which a fragile cease-fire brokered by Türkiye and Qatar was reached.

In November 2025, Istanbul hosted the third round of Afghan and Pakistani delegations for high-level talks on a cease-fire agreement between the two neighbors.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry had previously announced that the session would bring together senior officials from both countries to address the unresolved issues. Neither side, however, has disclosed who will be representing them in Istanbul, and the lack of clarity has raised questions about the effectiveness of the dialogue.

The two-day talks in Istanbul, mediated by Türkiye and Qatar, were the third round of peace negotiations that were viewed as one of the most significant diplomatic efforts between the two neighbors since the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan 2021. Despite intense back-channel diplomacy, officials said discussions stalled late Friday without tangible progress.

Throughout the second round of negotiations, which took place last year, officials from both Kabul and Islamabad traded accusations of incompetence and inefficiency, further complicating the peace process.

The talks were marked by repeated deadlocks, though the two sides ultimately managed to agree on extending the cease-fire in place.

The Daily Sabah Newsletter

Keep up to date with what’s happening in Turkey,
it’s region and the world.

SIGN ME UP

You can unsubscribe at any time. By signing up you are agreeing to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

Twenty-nine years have passed since Türkiye’s Feb. 28, 1997, National Security Council (MGK) meeting, widely described as a “postmodern coup,” a process that reshaped the country’s political, social and institutional landscape for years.

The meeting, held amid escalating tensions between the military establishment and the elected government, produced decisions that ultimately forced the resignation of the coalition led by Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan.

The developments surrounding the Feb. 28 process remain a defining episode in Türkiye’s political history, often cited as an example of military-bureaucratic intervention against democratic will.

The events unfolded during the tenure of the 54th government, formed by the Welfare Party (RP) and the True Path Party (DYP), which took office on June 28, 1996.

Erbakan served as prime minister, while DYP leader Tansu Çiller held the posts of deputy prime minister and foreign minister. The government quickly became the focus of controversy amid accusations from secular circles that it posed a threat to the constitutional order.

Rising tensions

Political and institutional pressure intensified in early 1997. The Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Supreme Court warned the Welfare Party over activities during a January visit by Erbakan to Kayseri, stating that uniform clothing worn by local party officials violated the Political Parties Law and demanding disciplinary action.

The warning included the possibility of a closure case if the party failed to comply.

Tensions escalated further following a Jan. 31 event known as “Jerusalem Night,” organized by Sincan Mayor Bekir Yıldız of the Welfare Party and attended by Iran’s ambassador to Ankara. The speeches and displays at the event fueled nationwide debate over the government’s orientation.

On Feb. 1, despite objections and resistance from some coalition partners, Erbakan submitted for Cabinet signature a decree allowing the headscarf at universities, another development that intensified political polarization.

Investigations, military signals

Judicial authorities opened investigations into the Jerusalem Night event, while Iran’s ambassador was summoned to the Foreign Ministry to receive a formal protest.

One of the most memorable moments of the period came on Feb. 4, when tanks and armored vehicles moved through the Ankara district of Sincan en route to a military exercise area. The display was widely interpreted as a warning from the armed forces and caused public alarm.

That same day, Interior Minister Meral Akşener suspended Mayor Yıldız from office. He was later arrested along with several others on charges including aiding an illegal organization and inciting public hatred.

The developments triggered sharp political debates, drawing in then-President Süleyman Demirel and exposing growing strains within the coalition.

‘Balance adjustment’ to democracy

Public tensions spilled into the streets, with civil society organizations arranging large demonstrations in Ankara.

Following mounting criticism, Iran’s ambassador left Türkiye. Meanwhile, Demirel requested an investigation into alleged “religious fundamentalist” staffing in municipalities.

Erbakan sought to calm concerns, stating after a Feb. 21 meeting with Demirel that Türkiye did not face a regime crisis.

On the same day in Washington, then-Deputy Chief of General Staff Gen. Çevik Bir made a remark that would become emblematic of the period, saying the military had given “a balance adjustment to democracy” in Sincan.

Decisive MGK meeting

Amid intensifying controversy, Demirel sent Erbakan a letter on Feb. 26 outlining concerns about the direction of the regime.

Two days later, the MGK convened under Demirel’s chairpersonship in one of the longest meetings in its history. The session lasted eight hours and 45 minutes, running from midafternoon until nearly midnight.

Top civilian and military officials attended, including Chief of General Staff Gen. Ismail Hakkı Karadayı and senior commanders of the armed forces.

Following the meeting, the council issued a statement emphasizing that no concessions would be made in implementing constitutional principles and warning against activities seen as undermining the secular, democratic order.

The decisions were later followed by a list of 20 measures presented to the government, including extending compulsory education to eight years and restructuring religious vocational schools.

Pressure on government

Erbakan initially resisted some of the measures, and political tensions deepened as voices within the DYP began calling for withdrawal from the coalition.

Çiller met Erbakan to persuade him to sign the MGK decisions. At a press conference, Erbakan pushed back against political maneuvering, declaring, “Governments are formed in Parliament, not at the MGK.”

Nevertheless, he signed the decisions on March 5.

Debates over their implementation, particularly the education reform, accelerated divisions between coalition partners and weakened the government’s position.

Political restructuring

As tensions grew, Çiller requested that the premiership be transferred to her in July. Erbakan refused.

President Demirel stressed that the MGK decisions were constitutional and warned that failure to implement them would disrupt state functioning.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court chief prosecutor filed a case on May 21 seeking the closure of the Welfare Party on the grounds that it had become a focal point of activities against secularism.

Within the military, the General Staff established the Western Working Group on June 11 to monitor religious activity, a move later cited by critics as evidence of institutional pressure.

On June 18, Erbakan resigned, hoping that Çiller would be tasked with forming a new government under a revised coalition arrangement.

Instead, after consultations with opposition leaders, Demirel gave the mandate to Mesut Yılmaz, leader of the Motherland Party (ANAP). The decision drew strong criticism from the outgoing coalition partners.

End of Welfare Party era

The new government was formed on June 30 under Yılmaz, in coalition with other parties.

One of the most consequential policies of the Feb. 28 process, eight years of uninterrupted compulsory education, was approved by Parliament in August and implemented at the start of the 1997-1998 academic year.

The political repercussions continued.

On Jan. 16, 1998, Türkiye’s Constitutional Court ordered the closure of the Welfare Party, ruling that it had violated the principles of the democratic and secular republic and become a center of anti-secular activity.

Several senior figures, including Erbakan, received five-year political bans. The decision, published in the Official Gazette on Feb. 22, brought the party’s 14-year political life to an end.

Lasting impact

The Feb. 28 process is widely viewed as a defining moment in Türkiye’s modern political history, an intervention carried out without a direct military takeover but through coordinated pressure from military, judicial and bureaucratic institutions.

Today, for many, the episode represents a period in which an elected authority was constrained by unelected actors. The events are frequently invoked as a cautionary example of tutelary intervention and as a turning point that reshaped Türkiye’s democratic trajectory.

Nearly three decades later, the legacy of Feb. 28 continues to influence political discourse, institutional reforms and debates over civil-military relations, religious freedoms and the limits of democratic authority in Türkiye.