Politics
‘Terror-free Türkiye a strategic, correct step against imperialists’
As the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) continues its nationwide campaign to explain the terror-free Türkiye initiative to the public, the party’s spokesperson Ömer Çelik hailed it as a future starting point for a “terror-free region.”
Çelik was in the northwestern province of Kocaeli on Sunday for the campaign and described the initiative as a “strategic, correct step, a response to imperialist designs and attempts to destabilize Türkiye.”
The initiative was launched last year by government ally Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) when its leader, Devlet Bahçeli, implied that the government should facilitate access to the PKK’s jailed ringleader, Abdullah Öcalan, so that he could call the PKK to lay down arms. Bahçeli’s proposal was endorsed by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who had earlier hinted at the initiative with messages of unity between Turks and Kurds. The PKK has long justified its campaign of terrorism as a fight for the rights of Kurds. Both Bahçeli and Erdoğan repeatedly said that ending terrorism and maintaining unity were essential for Türkiye’s “home front” in the face of Israeli aggression in the region, pointing to the fact that Israel may target Türkiye next as part of its expansionist policies.
The government and MHP portray the initiative as a process beyond politics and seek wider public support. They managed to include several opposition parties in a parliamentary committee that began work in August to tackle the initiative and prepare a road map for legislators in the next stage. Çelik told reporters that the initiative became a state policy and would be referenced in efforts for a terror-free region. Although the PKK began laying down arms in July, the complete disarmament is expected to wrap up by the end of 2025, while it is still unclear whether its Syrian wing, the YPG, would follow.
Çelik said Türkiye exerted its own will against evil plans and ruled out any bargain or negotiation with the PKK “about the state or values of the nation,” he said. This is an oft-emphasized fact by authorities and the PKK itself did not reveal any negotiation in return for disarmament so far. “This is a development for the benefit of everyone,” Çelik said.
The spokesperson said Türkiye viewed all ethnic and sectarian elements in the country as brothers and sisters while “those seeking to pit people against each other in our region view them as their colony.” “It is clear that anyone seeking a delay in disarmament is aligned with imperialist Zionism. But we are well trained against such sabotage attempts and we know what they aim for,” he said. Çelik said certain powers sought to destabilize neighboring Syria and promised autonomy for certain circles, “obviously not for the good of those circles,” he said. He was referring to the YPG, which carved out a self-styled autonomy in northeastern Syria and empowered itself with the military assistance of Türkiye’s NATO ally, the United States. The U.S. regularly provided military equipment to the YPG under the guise of fighting against the terrorist group Daesh over the past decade. Although the YPG signed a deal with the new administration that came to power last December in Syria for integration into the Syrian army, it insists on “decentralization” in the country, clinging to its autonomy claims. “They are trying to lay down ethnic, sectarian fault lines,” Çelik warned.
DEM’s push for Öcalan
The initiative will move forward when the terror-free Türkiye committee of Parliament convenes in the coming weeks, following several sessions. The beginning of the new legislative year at Parliament in October may also speed up the process with reports of new regulations on the initiative emerging in the Turkish media.
The Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party), linked to the PKK, meanwhile, presses for concessions in the initiative, namely, a direct communication between the parliamentary committee it is a part of and Öcalan, who is serving several life sentences in an island prison off Istanbul. The party and PKK had earlier sought easing confinement conditions of Öcalan, who was rarely allowed to have visits before the start of the initiative. Since then, Öcalan has had plenty of visitors, including his relatives and a DEM Party delegation conveying his messages.
Tülay Hatimoğulları, co-chair of the DEM Party, told a news conference in Ankara on Sunday that Öcalan was the “chief actor” in the initiative. “If we want peace and a solution, it is essential to hold talks with Öcalan. We call upon the committee to act bravely, shed their prejudice and visit him,” she said.
Öcalan is among the most hated figures in Türkiye and is blamed for the killings of tens of thousands of people since the 1980s. A meeting between Öcalan and parliamentarians other than DEM Party lawmakers who relayed his messages earlier may fuel allegations of a bargain with the PKK. Bahçeli, who earlier had called for a “right of hope” for Öcalan, that is, the possibility of being eligible for parole in the future, rarely mentioned it again. Yet, the DEM Party insists on it. Hatimoğulları reiterated this demand and said the parliamentary committee should hold an emergency meeting on it. “We cannot afford to delay this,” she said. “Öcalan needs conditions allowing him to work freely,” she added.
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan held separate phone calls Tuesday with Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani and Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad Hassan al-Shaibani, diplomatic sources said.
Fidan and his Qatari counterpart discussed the situation in the Strait of Hormuz, according to the sources.
In a separate call with al-Shaibani, Fidan discussed the latest developments in the region.
The calls came amid heightened attention on regional developments and the situation surrounding the strategically important Strait of Hormuz.
Fidan met with his Qatari counterpart, Qatar’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, on July 19, a few days after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to the country to extend condolences for the late emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani.
Türkiye and Qatar have steadily deepened their strategic partnership since establishing it in 2014 through high-level exchanges and bilateral agreements spanning a wide range of fields.
On the other hand, Fidan hosted his Syrian counterpart, Asaad Hassan al-Shaibani, in Ankara on July 6 as the two neighboring countries continue to deepen relations following the collapse of the Baathist regime in 2024.
Regarding the U.S.-Israel-Iran war, Syria’s top diplomat stressed that the fighting in the region should come to an end as soon as possible. He noted that the regional tensions were also affecting Syria and said Damascus condemned Iran’s attacks against the Gulf countries.
Civil society groups supporting Palestinians will hold simultaneous events in more than 17 countries on Wednesday to call for greater humanitarian access to Gaza as the world marks World Humanitarian Day.
The global initiative, called the “Voice of Humanity,” will take place across five continents on Aug. 19, according to Osman Nuri Kabaktepe, head of the Palestine Support Platform, one of the organizations participating in the campaign.
Speaking at a news conference in Istanbul, Kabaktepe called on the public to support the initiative, saying access to food, medicine, shelter and healthcare should be regarded as a fundamental right rather than a concession.
“We are talking about a right, not a favor,” Kabaktepe noted, arguing that restrictions on humanitarian assistance have left civilians in Gaza struggling to obtain essential supplies.
Kabaktepe said tens of thousands of civilians have been killed during Israel’s military campaign in Gaza and that children, women, patients and other vulnerable people continue to face difficulties accessing food and medical supplies.
He also accused Israel of failing to comply with provisions on humanitarian assistance under a cease-fire agreement, saying the arrangement envisaged the entry of at least 600 aid trucks into Gaza each day.
Kabaktepe called for the establishment of a humanitarian corridor and urged international organizations and institutions to work to ensure the delivery of aid into the Palestinian enclave.
As part of Wednesday’s campaign, supporters in Istanbul are expected to gather at Üsküdar Square at 6:30 p.m. local time.
Organizers will call for humanitarian assistance to be kept separate from political negotiations and for restrictions on aid deliveries to Gaza to be lifted.
“Humanitarian aid cannot be a matter of negotiation,” Kabaktepe underlined.
He urged international organizations and governments to increase efforts to secure humanitarian access to Gaza.
World Humanitarian Day is observed annually on Aug. 19 to recognize humanitarian workers and people affected by crises around the world.
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi discussed efforts to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and preserve the cease-fire in a phone call Monday, Turkish diplomatic sources said.
The two ministers reviewed the latest developments in ongoing negotiations concerning the reopening of the strategic waterway and the continuation of the cease-fire, according to the sources.
The two top diplomats spoke amid ongoing tensions in the region, with suspected Iranian drones targeting Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister Masrour Barzani’s office in Irbil on Monday.
Meanwhile, Fidan also held separate phone calls with Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) President Nechirvan Barzani and KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani on Monday, Foreign Ministry sources said. The talks focused on the latest developments in the region, the sources added.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan congratulated newly appointed British Prime Minister Andy Burnham during a phone call Monday, as the two leaders pledged to deepen the strategic partnership between Türkiye and the United Kingdom, particularly in defense, security, trade and investment.
Erdoğan and Burnham discussed bilateral relations as well as regional and global developments, according to a statement on the call.
Erdoğan congratulated Burnham on assuming his new post and expressed confidence that relations between Ankara and London would reach new heights in the coming period.
The president highlighted the significant progress Türkiye and the U.K. have made in cooperation across a broad range of areas, particularly in the defense industry.
He also underscored the importance of the Strategic Partnership Framework Document and the Security and Defense Partnership Document signed by the two countries, describing them as key instruments for strengthening bilateral cooperation.
Erdoğan said Ankara and London would continue working together to increase bilateral trade volume and achieve their shared objectives in investment, while building on the growing strategic partnership between the two NATO allies.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and U.S. President Donald Trump discussed Türkiye-U.S. ties and pressing regional and global developments in a phone call, with the Turkish leader stressing the need to maximize diplomatic efforts to ease tensions between Washington and Tehran.
Erdoğan told Trump that Türkiye hoped negotiations between Iran and the United States would continue, emphasizing that Ankara would maintain its support for efforts aimed at securing peace, according to a statement from the Presidential Communications Directorate.
The president also highlighted the joint defense agreement signed by Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, saying the pact demonstrated a strong commitment to ensuring regional stability and security.
Turning to Gaza, Erdoğan warned that Israeli actions targeting Palestinians had intensified at a time when efforts were focused on advancing to the second phase of the Gaza peace process.
He reiterated that Türkiye would continue supporting steps toward lasting peace in the region as well as efforts to rebuild the war-ravaged Gaza Strip.
Since the founding of the Republic of Türkiye, constitutional design has served as the backbone of the country’s legal system. The current Constitution, adopted in 1982, has been repeatedly amended over the decades – most notably in 2017, when a national referendum paved the way for the country’s transition from a parliamentary model to an executive presidential system.
Navigating the 175-article charter can be complex for international observers. Here is a clear guide to the foundational provisions, historical turning points and ongoing reform efforts shaping Türkiye’s legal framework today.
The Irrevocable Principles (Articles 1–4)
The opening section of the Constitution defines the permanent identity of the state. Under Article 4, the first three articles cannot be amended, nor can an amendment to them be proposed.
Article 1: Defines Türkiye as a republic.
Article 2: Establishes the country as a democratic, secular and social state governed by the rule of law, respecting human rights and loyal to Atatürk nationalism.
Article 3: Affirms the indivisible integrity of the state with its territory and nation. It designates Turkish as the official language, Ankara as the capital, and establishes the national flag and anthem.
Article 4: Protects the provisions of Articles 1, 2 and 3 from amendment and prohibits proposals to amend them.
State Sovereignty and Separation of Powers (Articles 6–9)
The Constitution establishes how state authority is exercised and divided among the branches of government.
Article 6: Declares that sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the nation and may be exercised only through the authorized organs established by the Constitution.
Article 7: Vests legislative power in the Turkish Parliament (TBMM), which exercises this authority on behalf of the nation.
Article 8: Assigns executive power and responsibility to the president, who exercises it in accordance with the Constitution and the law.
Article 9: States that judicial power is exercised by independent and impartial courts on behalf of the Turkish nation.
Supremacy of the Constitution (Article 11)
Article 11 establishes the Constitution as the highest binding legal authority in Türkiye.
Article 11: States that the provisions of the Constitution are fundamental legal rules binding upon the legislative, executive and judicial organs, administrative authorities, and other institutions and individuals. Laws cannot be contrary to the Constitution.
Fundamental Rights and Protections (Articles 10, 12 & 13)
The Constitution establishes the principle of equality before the law and defines both the nature of fundamental rights and the conditions under which they may be restricted.
Article 10: Guarantees equality before the law without discrimination, including on grounds of language, race, color, sex, political opinion, philosophical belief, religion or sect. It also requires the state to ensure that equality between men and women exists in practice.
Articles 12 & 13: Establish that everyone possesses inherent, inviolable and inalienable fundamental rights and freedoms, while recognizing that these rights also carry duties and responsibilities toward society, family and others. Article 13 provides that fundamental rights and freedoms may be restricted only by law, without infringing upon their essence and only on grounds specified in the relevant constitutional provisions. Any restriction must comply with the Constitution, the requirements of a democratic society and the secular republic, as well as the principle of proportionality.
Citizenship and International Law (Articles 66 & 90)
Two provisions frequently cited in legal and political debates concern citizenship and Türkiye’s international obligations.
Article 66: Defines Turkish citizenship, stating that everyone bound to the Turkish state through the bond of citizenship is a Turk.
Article 90: Provides that international agreements duly put into effect have the force of law. In cases of conflict between domestic legislation and international agreements concerning fundamental rights and freedoms, the provisions of the international agreement prevail.
The Executive Branch (Articles 101, 104 & 116)
Following the 2017 constitutional amendments, executive authority was vested in the presidency and the office of prime minister was abolished.
Article 101: Specifies that the president is directly elected for a five-year term and may serve a maximum of two terms. Presidential candidates may be nominated by political party groups, political parties that individually or jointly received at least 5% of valid votes in the previous parliamentary election, or at least 100,000 eligible voters.
Article 104: Outlines presidential duties and powers. As head of state, the president exercises executive authority, appoints vice presidents and ministers, may issue presidential decrees within constitutional limits, ratifies and promulgates international treaties, determines national security policies and takes necessary measures to safeguard national security. The president also ensures the implementation of the Constitution and the regular and harmonious functioning of state organs.
Article 116: Addresses the renewal of presidential and parliamentary elections. Parliament may decide to renew elections with a three-fifths majority of its total membership, while the president may also decide to renew elections. In either case, presidential and parliamentary elections are held together. If Parliament decides to renew elections during a president’s second term, the incumbent may run for president once more.
Parliament and Legislation (Articles 75, 77, 87 & 98)
Legislative authority rests with the unicameral Turkish Parliament.
Article 75: Sets parliamentary composition at 600 members.
Article 77: Provides that parliamentary and presidential elections are held every five years on the same day.
Article 87: Entrusts Parliament with enacting, amending and repealing laws, debating and adopting budget and final account bills, approving the ratification of international treaties, and deciding on declarations of war in cases permitted under international law, among other constitutional powers.
Article 98: Details parliamentary oversight mechanisms, including parliamentary inquiries, general debates, parliamentary investigations and written questions. Written questions may be submitted by lawmakers to vice presidents and ministers.
The Judiciary (Articles 138, 146 & 148)
Judicial authority is exercised by independent and impartial courts on behalf of the Turkish nation.
Article 138: Establishes judicial independence. Judges rule according to the Constitution, laws and their conscientious convictions, and no state organ, authority or individual may issue orders, instructions, recommendations or suggestions to courts or judges concerning the exercise of judicial power.
Articles 146 & 148: Govern the Constitutional Court. The court consists of 15 members, with three elected by Parliament and 12 selected by the president through procedures established by the Constitution. The court reviews the constitutionality of laws and presidential decrees and performs other duties assigned by the Constitution. Individuals may also apply directly to the court over alleged violations by public authorities of fundamental rights and freedoms protected by the Constitution and falling within the scope of the European Convention on Human Rights after ordinary legal remedies have been exhausted.
Military interventions and constitutional interruptions
Türkiye’s constitutional history has been directly altered by political crises and military interventions, resulting in new charters or significant changes to the country’s constitutional order.
The 1960 Coup and the 1961 Charter
On May 27, 1960, the military overthrew the elected Democrat Party government led by Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, suspended the 1924 Constitution and dissolved Parliament. A military administration ruled until a Constituent Assembly drafted the 1961 Constitution. Approved by referendum, the new charter introduced a bicameral Parliament and established the Constitutional Court. Menderes, who served as prime minister from 1950 until the coup, was executed in September 1961 following a trial by a military-appointed court.
The 1971 Memorandum
On March 12, 1971, military commanders issued a memorandum that led to the resignation of Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel. While the 1961 Constitution remained in force, subsequent constitutional amendments curtailed some civil liberties and strengthened state authority during a period marked by political violence and martial law.
The 1980 Coup and the 1982 Charter
The most extensive constitutional disruption occurred on Sept. 12, 1980, when the military seized power, dissolved Parliament and suspended the existing constitutional order. Political parties were subsequently banned, and an appointed Consultative Assembly took part in drafting a new constitution.
The 1982 Constitution was approved in a national referendum and remains Türkiye’s current charter, although it has undergone numerous amendments under civilian governments over the following decades.
2017 Constitutional Reform
A major overhaul of Türkiye’s system of government came with the 2017 constitutional referendum, which approved the transition from the parliamentary system to the presidential system.
The amendments abolished the office of prime minister, vested executive authority in the president, revised parliamentary oversight mechanisms and reshaped the relationship between the executive and legislative branches. The new system took full effect following the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018.
Central and Local Administration (Article 127)
Türkiye’s administrative system distinguishes between the central government’s provincial organization and elected local administrations.
Governors (vali) at the provincial level and district governors (kaymakam) represent the central administration in the provinces and districts, respectively.
Article 127, meanwhile, governs local administrations, defining them as public entities established to meet the common local needs of residents in provinces, municipalities and villages, with decision-making bodies elected by voters.
Mayors and municipal councils are elected by voters, while Türkiye’s metropolitan municipality system divides certain responsibilities between metropolitan municipalities and district municipalities.
Article 127 also grants the central administration powers of administrative tutelage (idari vesayet) over local governments within the principles and procedures prescribed by law. This oversight is intended to ensure that local services are carried out in accordance with the principle of administrative integrity, secure uniform public service, safeguard the public interest and meet local needs appropriately.
Push for New Civilian Constitution
Despite numerous amendments over the decades, replacing the 1982 Constitution with a new civilian-drafted charter remains a prominent issue in Türkiye’s political debate.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş have repeatedly advocated for a new civilian constitution, arguing that the existing charter retains the legacy of the military rule under which it was drafted despite extensive subsequent amendments.
Kurtulmuş said in August 2026 that Türkiye’s political climate and level of dialogue had matured sufficiently for work toward a new civilian constitution, describing such a charter as a longstanding objective.
Any constitutional amendment must follow the procedure established by Article 175. A proposal must first be submitted in writing by at least one-third of Parliament’s total membership, or 200 lawmakers, and must be debated twice in the General Assembly.
Approval requires at least a three-fifths majority, or 360 of Parliament’s 600 members, in a secret ballot.
A constitutional amendment adopted with between 360 and 399 votes must be submitted to a referendum if the president does not return it to Parliament for reconsideration.
An amendment receiving at least a two-thirds majority, or 400 votes, may take effect without a referendum after the constitutional process is completed, although the president retains the authority to submit such an amendment to a referendum.
With constitutional change requiring broad parliamentary support, efforts to draft an entirely new charter depend heavily on negotiations and political consensus across party lines.
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