Politics
Police detain 32 Istanbul municipal officials linked to corruption
Turkish authorities have issued 47 arrest warrants for municipal officials and staff across Istanbul linked to a corruption case that has seen the city’s mayor, Ekrem imamoğlu, ousted and jailed, media reported Saturday.
The warrants were based on four separate corruption investigations centered on Istanbul and target mayors of districts like Büyükçekmece, Avcılar and Gaziosmanpaşa.
Three of the suspects are imprisoned and three others are abroad, authorities said.
They confirmed 32 of the suspects have been detained so far while police continue pursuing nine others still at large.
The detentions are part of the investigation into the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and Imamoğlu.
Imamoğlu, a popular figure in the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), was arrested in March along with dozens of municipality employees and businesspeople on charges of corruption.
The politician is accused of running a criminal organization that profited from rigged tenders and rampant bribery in exchange for building and zoning permits and awarding tenders.
The CHP has launched rallies and incited riots after Imamoğlu’s arrest. It claims that Imamoğlu’s arrest is politically motivated, as the party had nominated him for the next presidential election. However, the government argues that the CHP’s claim and pro-Imamoğlu rallies are simply an attempt to cover up the mayor’s alleged wrongdoings, which range from rigging public tenders to taking bribes.
Imamoğlu has denied all allegations in his interrogation, but prosecutors point out a wide array of evidence, from financial irregularities to bribes and money laundering activities. Those include reports from MASAK, technical surveillance data and testimonies from dozens of witnesses.
Security forces on Tuesday launched a new round of operations in separate investigations against the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), which attempted to overthrow the government on July 15, 2016, through its infiltrators in the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK).
A supermarket chain and secret networks of the terrorist group accused of financing FETÖ were the target of the crackdown that indicated FETÖ still seeks revival nine years after it spectacularly failed to seize power.
In an Istanbul-based investigation, security forces detained 26 suspects, including Z.D., owner of Hakmar and Tatbak, a supermarket and pastry shop chain primarily operating on Istanbul’s Asian side. Authorities also appointed trustees to the chain on the grounds of financing FETÖ. The operation was a joint effort between the Istanbul police and the National Intelligence Organization (MIT), involving 9 provinces.
Security sources said Z.D., whose chain operates some 800 branches and C.G., a former police officer fired on suspicion of links to FETÖ earlier, have been under surveillance for a while on suspicion of funding the terrorist group. Sources said Z.D. was quite loyal to the group, quoted on one occasion as saying he was ready to sacrifice his fortune for FETÖ leader Fetullah Gülen, “to whom I owe my rise in the business.” A search of Z.D.’s residence found materials linking him to FETÖ, sources said. FETÖ is known for its widespread infiltration into state institutions in the past and has also wielded influence in business circles as well, through a now-defunct business chamber that its members founded. Past investigations have shown that FETÖ also threatened businesspeople who refused to “donate” to the group by harming their businesses.
Z.D. is accused of receiving instructions from FETÖ members abroad for the transfer of funds to the group’s members and utilizing his businesses accordingly. The suspect had already received numerous complaints for collecting donations to FETÖ under the guise of charity. Sources reported that he also employed individuals with ties to the group in his supermarket chain. Operations were held to capture Z.D. and other suspects in Istanbul, Ankara, Sakarya, Osmaniye, Bayburt, Giresun, Malatya, Yalova and Bolu. Along with Z.D., C.G. was detained. Security forces searching the headquarters of Hakmar in Istanbul’s Sancaktepe district found a multitude of doors equipped with encryption systems and top-of-the-line security systems. Sources said such doors installed adjacent to each other were used by the terrorist group to gain time against police raids. This practice was also used by the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), another terrorist group. Sources said secure rooms in the building were used for secret meetings of FETÖ members.
The investigation found that Z.D. utilized Hakmar and Tatbak companies for transferring funds to FETÖ. C.G., who was also an employee of Hakmar, visited several cities to hand over cash to members of the group.
In another operation based in Istanbul, authorities detained 51 suspects. Operations were held in 15 provinces and targeted a restructured network of FETÖ, whose members fled or went into hiding after an intensified crackdown on the group following the 2016 coup attempt. The suspects were members of a network who allegedly infiltrated the Ministry of National Education. The investigation that led to detentions on Tuesday found that they regularly held meetings, either through videoconference or in a location in Istanbul, to reinforce bonds between members, sought to recruit new members and arranged marriages between members, a well-known practice of FETÖ. Earlier investigations and confessions by former FETÖ members had revealed that the group’s so-called “imams” or handlers forced members into marriage with each other and even picked spouses for them. Security forces found that five suspects wanted in the investigation had fled Türkiye earlier, while operations are underway to capture seven suspects at large.
Police discovered a stash of cash, books written by Gülen and digital evidence regarding the suspects’ affiliation with FETÖ during the search of premises raided during the operations.
In an operation based in the western city of Izmir, where Fetullah Gülen rose to prominence as a popular preacher in the 1960s, authorities issued detention warrants for 371 suspects. Two hundred forty-four of them have been detained so far in operations across 60 provinces. The suspects are accused of financing FETÖ. Financial crimes police discovered that suspects sent cash to fugitive FETÖ members abroad.
Security sources reported that the suspects allegedly faked online food sales to transfer cash to fellow FETÖ members secretly. A manhunt is underway for 61 suspects in the case, while 79 suspects have been identified as being at large abroad.
The investigation revealed that the suspects set up an illegal online system and had a monetary flow of approximately TL 7.5 million between themselves and fugitive FETÖ members in North America and Europe.
Elsewhere, authorities ordered the detention of 14 suspects in seven provinces as part of an investigation into exam fraud in 2010 and 2011 for admission to schools training gendarmerie officers. The suspects are accused of obtaining questions for exams beforehand, a common tactic employed by FETÖ for infiltrating state institutions.
Separately, Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya announced on Tuesday that 306 suspects were captured in operations against FETÖ over the past two days in 64 provinces.
The U.S.-backed YPG, the Syria wing of the terrorist group PKK, reiterated its call for autonomy in Syria’s northeast while the new administration in Damascus seeks its integration into the Syrian army. YPG members called again on Sunday for a system of government that preserves a measure of their self-styled autonomy, days after Damascus rejected “any form” of decentralization. YPG leader Ferhat Abdi Şahin and interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa first struck an accord in March to integrate the YPG into the state, but its implementation has been held up by differences between the two sides.
The pair met again on Wednesday in the presence of a U.S. envoy to discuss the stalled efforts, but Damascus afterward reiterated its opposition to “any form of division or federalization” and called for YPG members to be absorbed into the army.
In a statement Sunday, the YPG called “for a pluralistic democratic system, social justice, gender equality and a constitution that guarantees the rights of all components” of society. “Today, we aspire to be effective partners in building a new Syria, a decentralized Syria that embraces all its people and guarantees their rights equally,” it said.
The YPG controls vast swathes of territory in Syria’s north, including oil and gas fields. With the support of a Washington-led coalition, the YPG positioned itself as a partner in the fight against fellow terrorist group Daesh.
The terrorist group in its current form remains a security concern for Syria’s neighbor Türkiye. Ankara expects them to join the PKK, which started a disarmament process last Friday, or properly integrate into the Syrian army.
U.S. Ambassador to Türkiye and Special Envoy for Syria Tom Barrack said that if the YPG does not act quickly on integration, it will face problems with the Turkish and Syrian governments. “The U.S. will do its best to ensure a fair and proper decision is made. If they want to come to America and live with us, they can do so.” Barrack told Anadolu Agency (AA) following his press conference in New York last Friday.
He explained the origins of the groups by saying, “The YPG emerged from various offshoots of the PKK, and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) emerged from various offshoots of the YPG.” When reminded of his previous statement that “the SDF is the YPG and the YPG is a derivative of the PKK,” he emphasized, “I have never said that the SDF is a derivative of the PKK.” “It’s not unthinkable that whoever the constituency is for the YPG or the SDF has distanced themselves from the PKK. So, I don’t think it’s a derivative. It’s another organization,” Barrack told AA.
When reminded that the terrorist group YPG, which uses the name SDF in Syria, has sent messages about the need to use time effectively in the integration process, and asked what problems might arise if they do not, Barrack responded: “The problems that will arise are disagreements with the Syrian government and the Türkiye government. The U.S. government has stated that it will review all their issues and do its best to ensure a fair and accurate decision. If they want to come to America and live with us, they can do so.”
Bashar Assad, Syria’s leader for nearly 25 years, fled to Russia on Dec. 8, ending the Baath Party’s regime, which had been in power since 1963. Ahmed al-Sharaa, who led anti-regime forces to oust Assad, was declared president for a transitional period on Jan. 29.
In its 40-year terror campaign against Türkiye, the PKK, listed as a terror organization by Türkiye, the U.S. and the EU, has been responsible for the deaths of more than 40,000 victims, including women, children and infants.
Regarding the reasons why talks between the SDF and the Syrian government have not yielded results, Barrack said the actual issue is whether it will align with the Syrian Arab Republic. “One country, one nation, one military is dictated by that nation, which we’re now recognizing. So that’s the issue. Forget about whatever the genetics are from where it came. All of these minority groups might lust for a federalistic environment.
“That’s not what’s being dictated to them to be invited into. That’s not up to us. It’s not up to us to referee the intellectual discussion. Is that the right thing? Is that the wrong thing? Do you want a parliamentary system? Do you want a republic? Do you want a confessional system? How do you blend and protect minority rights? All of us, the U.N. in particular, are cheering and saying this is really important if you want our help. These are the requirements that we want to see,” said Barrack. “We want to see what you’re going to do with foreign fighters. Are you integrating them? Are you not integrating them? Are you sending them home or not?”
Barrack said the integration between the SDF and the Syrian government will take time “because there’s no trust” between the parties. “There’s not enough specifics in the agreement to have made it work.” He noted that the U.S. is trying to “punctuate those specifications so they can come together.” Barrack also said he believes that the parties are going to “come together and that would be a beautiful marriage.”
Türkiye on Tuesday will mark the ninth anniversary of a coup attempt by the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ). Declared Democracy and National Unity Day a few months after the attempt, July 15 is an occasion to celebrate unprecedented public resistance against the putsch.
Nine years on, the country’s democracy remains unshaken, while national unity symbolized by people sacrificing their lives to protect their will to elect their own leaders, appears stronger with new steps. Indeed, as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan promoted, the unity is reflected in the terror-free Türkiye initiative that aims to end decades of PKK terrorism. The PKK long exploited the country’s Kurdish community to advance its agenda for a so-called Kurdistan and attempts to end PKK’s violent campaign were occasionally hindered by the fact that the state chose to ignore the rights of the community and sometimes, outright antagonized them through counterterrorism policies that did not discriminate between the community’s members sympathizing with the PKK and those who had nothing to do with the terrorist group.
Through the 2016 coup attempt, FETÖ, which faced increased scrutiny after its first coup attempts by its members in the judiciary and law enforcement, sought to curb an expected crackdown on its military infiltrators. Ultimately, its goal was to rule the country with a military junta loyal to FETÖ leader Fetullah Gülen.
Since the first coup in 1960, Türkiye has been accustomed to military takeovers. Some were straightforward, like the 1980 coup when Chief of General Staff Kenan Evren conspired with fellow commanders to seize power. Others, like FETÖ’s coup attempts in 2013 and a 1997 coup where the military issued a stern memorandum to the government instead of rolling out tanks on the streets, were more discreet. But none faced strong opposition from the public. The resistance is credited to Erdoğan, who is now among longest longest-serving leaders of Türkiye, first as prime minister and then as president. Erdoğan’s call to the public to reclaim democracy as the coup attempt unfolded led to confrontations between the putschists and the unarmed public. Eager to defend their right to democracy, thousands sought to convince the putschists to lay down arms, and when it failed, they tried to block the roads of tanks and troops across Türkiye. Apparently taken aback by the resistance, the putschists had to withdraw and were subsequently arrested by police and military officers opposing the attempt.
The coup attempt was followed by days of a “democracy watch” where people in 81 provinces held nightly vigils to remember victims and demonstrate their adherence to democracy, in a bid to deter future coup attempts.
The victory of democracy was cemented in the 2018 presidential elections Erdoğan won again, one year after a referendum introduced Türkiye to an executive presidency system. In 2022, Erdoğan unveiled the country’s “Century of Türkiye” vision, an ambitious set of reforms and steps that will be taken in the second centenary of the Republic of Türkiye. In the next three years, Türkiye enhanced its international standing as a key diplomatic actor serving as mediator of conflicts, a major force in the defense industry, and nowadays seeks to crown it by putting an end to more than 40 years of terrorism by the PKK, a main obstacle for development of the country. In Erdoğan’s words, the disarmament of the PKK, which began with 30 terrorists burning down their weapons last Friday, is the dawn of a new era for the country, a new era for renewed unity of communities and for the wider region that is plagued by Israel’s expansionist policies.
Significant visit
Success against the coup attempt was not without sacrifices. Some 253 people were killed by putschists and hundreds of others were injured while trying to stop the coup attempt. Some died outside the Presidential Complex, others were martyred while protecting the president, who faced an assassination attempt. Among them were military officers who bravely fought against putschists at the army headquarters and more than a dozen people who rushed to a major bridge in Istanbul when they heard the putschists had occupied it.
Mehmet, Hakan and Lütfi were among them. Two brothers and their brother-in-law had joined a crowd gathered outside the Presidential Complex to block putschists from taking it over. Their 99-year-old mother, Muzaffer Gülşen, who lives in Ankara, had a special visitor on Monday: the very president her sons and son-in-law died while defending. Accompanied by local officials, Erdoğan received a warm welcome from Gülşen and her family. Together, they recited prayers for those killed by putschists and the president extended his condolences to the elderly woman. During the visit, Gülşen handed the president her savings, asking for their donation to Palestinian children suffering under Israel’s attacks.
The Republican People’s Party’s (CHP) former Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer, who was suspended from office following his arrest over alleged membership in the PKK terrorist group, was released from the terrorism case on Monday.
Özer, who was arrested on January 21 as part of the investigation into the criminal organization allegedly led by Aziz İhsan Aktaş by the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, will not be released from prison.
Özer was released from the PKK case after facing a prison sentence of seven years, six months to 15 years.
The hearing, held by the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court in a courtroom across from Marmara Prison, was attended by the defendant Özer.
The hearing was also attended by CHP Deputy Parliamentary Group Chair Gökhan Günaydın, Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Deputy Mayor Nuri Aslan, CHP Istanbul Provincial Chair Özgür Çelik, Dilek Kaya Imamoğlu and several other party members.
Özer argued that he has been detained for nine months, that he is accused of fabricated crimes, and that he and his lawyers have refuted the allegations of witnesses and secret witnesses.
“With the destruction of weapons on July 11, we entered a new era. There is a huge contradiction between the peace process and my continued detention. Everyone from right to left is writing this. I am not a member of a terrorist organization. I am not a member of any organization.”
Özer was referring to the ongoing terror-free Türkiye process initiated by the government.
Devlet Bahçeli, head of the government’s ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), issued a written statement ahead of July 15, Democracy and National Unity Day. The day marks the ninth anniversary of public resistance that quelled a coup attempt by Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) infiltrators in the army.
The MHP joined the People’s Alliance with the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) in the aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt, with Bahçeli showing up at a massive democracy rally alongside President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to celebrate the victory over putschists one month after the coup was quashed.
Bahçeli likened the coup attempt to the Crusades that sought to retaliate against the Turkish nation’s noble gains. “They tried another Crusade nine years ago. For this reason, that date is an important threshold in Turkish history,” he said. He noted that FETÖ was at the heart of a plot to invade Anatolia and branded its infiltrators as “hypocrites posing as the faithful.”
“Future generations should always remain vigilant and united so as not to face similar betrayals,” Bahçeli warned.
“Thankfully, the Turkish nation embraced martyrdom and the honor of being veterans to crush those traitors who rained down bombs on people. The Turkish nation faced gunfire to defend its sacred existence. This tremendous national awakening and legendary unity kept Türkiye intact,” he said.
As Türkiye marks the ninth anniversary of the July 15, 2016, coup attempt, perpetrated by the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), a new chapter is unfolding for the clandestine organization. With its founder and self-proclaimed spiritual leader Fethullah Gülen reportedly deceased in his Pennsylvania compound earlier this year, questions loom large over the fate of the group and its future influence, or lack thereof, both in Türkiye and abroad.
The organization, long accused of infiltrating the Turkish state over decades, orchestrated a brutal coup attempt that killed 252 people and injured thousands more. Since then, Türkiye has treated FETÖ as a national security threat, dismantling its networks and purging its operatives across institutions. Yet, while the domestic fight has yielded measurable success, the group’s overseas remnants continue to draw scrutiny.
According to Nur Özkan Erbay, head of the Brand Office of the Presidency’s Directorate of Communications and author of the book “Threat of Messianic Movements to State and Regime Security: A Case Study of the Fethullah Gülen Terrorist Organization,” FETÖ is now “in a vegetative state” following Gülen’s demise.
“FETÖ’s indoctrination was entirely tied to its so-called spiritual leader. With his elimination, the organization is effectively brain-dead,” Erbay told Daily Sabah in an exclusive interview. “Its vital functions within Türkiye have been irreversibly terminated. However, its presence in foreign countries, especially Western Europe and the United States, has merely gone underground.”
While FETÖ’s influence has diminished dramatically, Erbay emphasized that the group has not entirely vanished. Instead, its members have adopted more covert tactics. Their financial network has eroded amid internal power struggles and the loss of institutional privileges, particularly in the U.S. charter school system, where several affiliated schools are now facing mounting tax penalties.
“Due to increasing regulatory pressure from the U.S. tax and customs system, FETÖ is gradually losing its operational flexibility and immunity. Meanwhile, Western governments’ more restrictive policies toward immigration are making it harder for the group to recruit new members from Türkiye or third countries,” she added.
Indeed, Turkish officials have long argued that the group’s educational and media institutions abroad serve as both funding channels and fronts for espionage and influence operations. Reports over the years have highlighted the group’s tactics, including disguising identities, abandoning Turkish affiliations and using new aliases to infiltrate host country institutions.
Erbay also warned that despite its weakened state, FETÖ retains a troubling capacity for “asymmetric threats” – including blackmail, espionage and infiltration.
“The group still has human capital that can be repurposed for covert operations against foreign states,” she said. “That makes FETÖ not just a relic of Türkiye’s internal strife but an ongoing international threat.”
This assessment aligns with the view in Ankara, where officials stress that while FETÖ may be limping, it remains a strategic concern abroad. Turkish diplomacy in recent years has leaned on bilateral ties to encourage host nations to curtail the group’s operations – often with mixed results, especially in countries where FETÖ-linked institutions maintain legal protections.
Murat Aslan, a faculty member at Hasan Kalyoncu University and a researcher at SETA, pointed out that despite nine years, many questions remain unanswered.
“The anatomy of FETÖ is still not drawn, which is vital. Who created this group, Fethullah Gülen or was it created by other forces? What was the vision of Fethullah Gülen? What is the vision of the organization now? We have to decipher this. A comprehensive analysis must be made, extending beyond the military aspect, to examine how the group infiltrated all aspects of life.”
He similarly underlined that “the threat is not over yet” as the terrorist group continues operations, especially in countries in Africa or Central Asia.
Aslan further highlighted that FETÖ members in the West have taken critical positions, such as those of lecturers in universities, think tanks or technology companies. “We have to be prepared for this new kind of threat.”
Yet domestically, the picture is far more decisive.
The terrorist group faces operations almost daily as investigators still try to unravel its massive network of infiltrators everywhere. In 2024 alone, police apprehended hundreds of FETÖ suspects across the country, including fugitives on western borders trying to flee to Europe. Just last month, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan underlined the determination in fighting the terrorist group, assuring authorities would root out the remaining FETÖ infiltrators in Turkish institutions, citing the “meticulous work of police and intelligence units.”
Ankara has also worked to secure extraditions and asset seizures globally, while pressuring allies to monitor and curtail the group’s educational and financial arms. The collapse of central leadership has added to the organization’s disintegration, with internal factions vying for control amid dwindling resources.
“The infighting, especially over succession and control of finances, has further debilitated the group,” said Erbay. “It’s no longer a monolith but a fragmented network with no coherent strategy.”
Türkiye’s long-term counter-FETÖ strategy has also evolved. No longer confined to security operations, Ankara has built enduring institutional resilience by reforming recruitment and oversight processes within the military, judiciary and bureaucracy. Furthermore, the state has expanded its geopolitical influence, bolstering international cooperation on counterterrorism.
“The era in which FETÖ could be instrumentalized against Türkiye has ended,” Erbay asserted. “Türkiye has established irreversible strategic leverage, both in national capabilities and in its regional and international standing. No actor can now afford to jeopardize its alliance with a stronger-than-ever Türkiye.”
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