Security forces detained 170 people in Istanbul and other cities for propaganda for the terrorist group PKK, authorities announced on Tuesday.

The Turkish National Police said the suspects were apprehended in operations before and after Nevruz celebrations. The celebrations were organized by groups associated with the PKK, including the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party). However, the events over the weekend became a show of force for supporters of the terrorist group. Although Nevruz is a festival commonly observed in the Turkic world to welcome the spring, the PKK in the past hijacked the celebrations for its own propaganda.

Police said operations held in Aydın, Batman, Gaziantep, Istanbul, Izmir, Kocaeli, Mardin, Şanlıurfa and Van between March 17 and March 22 led to the capture of 72 suspects charged with violation of public assembly laws and propaganda for a terrorist group. On March 24, operations were carried out in Istanbul, Diyarbakır, Izmir, Şanlıurfa, Antalya and Mardin to detain 98 suspects.

The PKK is in the process of disarmament. The terror-free Türkiye initiative launched by government ally Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli in 2024 eventually led to the group’s jailed ringleader, Abdullah Öcalan, to call on the PKK to lay down arms and dissolve itself. The PKK consented to disarmament last year, and its disarmament is currently monitored by Turkish intelligence. Türkiye plans to enact laws to facilitate the process, including lenient sentences for the members. A parliamentary committee has recently wrapped up work on a draft report that will serve as a guide to Parliament to enact those laws or amend the existing regulations. Still, the matter is sensitive for the public due to the PKK’s notorious record of killing thousands of civilians and security officers since the 1980s. Images of pro-PKK groups carrying banners containing terrorist propaganda and a speech by a PKK member convicted of a terrorist attack in 1991 and released last year during a Nevruz event, stirred up outrage among social media users.

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Turkish police detained 25 suspects in an operation targeting the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) in Istanbul, authorities announced Tuesday, as part of an ongoing crackdown on the network accused of orchestrating the 2016 failed coup.

The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office said the suspects were identified through an investigation into alleged use of the encrypted messaging app ByLock, which authorities consider a key communication tool of the group.

Among those detained are seven active public employees and four dismissed from public service.

Investigators also found that some suspects had records of so-called payphone contacts, had previously stayed in properties linked to the terrorist group, held accounts at Bank Asya or were registered with companies affiliated with the group, officials said.

All 25 suspects were taken into custody during coordinated raids carried out by Istanbul police.

In a separate operation on Monday, authorities in Kayseri captured a fugitive former noncommissioned officer sentenced to six years and three months in prison for FETÖ membership. He was later transferred to prison following processing.

The terrorist group orchestrated the defeated coup of July 15, 2016, in Türkiye, in which 252 people were killed, and 2,734 were wounded. Ankara also accuses FETÖ of being behind a long-running campaign to overthrow the state through the infiltration of Turkish institutions, particularly the military, police and judiciary.

Türkiye has targeted its active members and sleeper cells nonstop, and its influence has been much reduced since 2016.

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Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz, government ally Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli, main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) Chair Özgür Özel, ministers, dignitaries and a large crowd attended the funeral prayers on Monday for two Turkish technical personnel who were killed during a helicopter crash in Qatar on Saturday.

Türkiye revealed on Sunday that Maj. Sinan Taştekin, as well as Süleyman Cemre Kahraman and Ismail Enes Can, technicians working for Turkish defense giant ASELSAN, were killed in the crash, along with four Qatari officers, identified as Capt. Mubarak Salem Daway al-Marri, Sgt. Fahad Hadi Ghanem al-Khayarin, Cpl. Mohammed Maher Mohammed and Capt. Saeed Nasser Sameekh. The helicopter operated by the Qatari army was on a training mission as part of the Qatar-Türkiye Joint Forces Command. The crash is attributed to a technical malfunction.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Sunday expressed deep sorrow over the crash.

“I learned with great sorrow the news that our Turkish Armed Forces personnel, our ASELSAN staff and members of the Qatari Armed Forces were martyred in the helicopter crash that occurred in Qatar,” Erdoğan said in a statement shared on social media.

The Turkish leader offered prayers and condolences for those who died in the tragic accident.

Erdoğan also expressed sympathy to both nations, saying: “My condolences to our country, our nation and the people of Qatar.”

A separate funeral will be held on Tuesday for Taştekin, who will be buried in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), where his wife lives.

Gulf countries, along with Iraq, Jordan and Syria, offered their condolences Sunday to Türkiye and Qatar over the helicopter crash. In separate statements on the U.S. social media company X’s platform, the foreign ministries of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Syria extended their condolences to the two nations and expressed their solidarity.

The incident came at a time when hostilities in the region have escalated since U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran began on Feb. 28, with Iran retaliating with repeated drone and missile strikes targeting Israel and Gulf countries hosting U.S. military assets.

Türkiye and Qatar are among the closest allies in the wider region and Qatar-Türkiye Joint Forces Command is Türkiye’s first permanent military base abroad. The base is mainly used for military exercises, training and logistics support. Turkish media outlets have reported earlier that some 3,000 Turkish troops were stationed at the base, which was opened in 2017 and underwent expansion in 2019.

Two countries stepped up their military cooperation in 2011, after a landmark deal on defense industries, which was followed by the sale of Türkiye’s globally-renowned Bayraktar drones to the Gulf country. Indeed, the Bayraktars became the first unmanned aerial vehicles commissioned by the Qatari army. Mutual visits of Turkish and Qatari leaders further cemented cooperation and in 2014, the two countries signed a new military cooperation deal for the deployment of Qatari troops in Türkiye and vice versa, during a visit by Qatar’s Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. In 2015 and 2016, Türkiye and Qatar signed additional protocols for joint military exercises and training of military personnel. By 2017, Türkiye began deployment of troops in Qatar while major Turkish defense contractor Havelsan completed the sale of helicopter simulators to Qatar.

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Athens will likely concern neighboring Türkiye, a former foe seeking normalization of ties, with its approval of a new defense system.

Greece’s security council, KYSEA, approved ​on Monday the purchase of ⁠a 3-billion ⁠euro ($3.48-billion) multilayer air and drone defence system ​and the ​upgrade of ⁠38 F-16 fighter jets, the country’s defense minister said on Monday. The total cost for the two projects, which were approved by a Greek parliamentary ⁠committee ⁠earlier in the month, was estimated at about 4 billion euros.

Greece is already in talks with Israel to provide ⁠a big part of the missile systems for its ​air and drone defense dome, called “Achilles ​Shield.” “KYSEA also approved the ⁠upgrade ‌of ‌four MEKO 200 ⁠frigates and a ‌maintenance agreement for ​C29J military transport aircraft,” ⁠said Defense Minister Nikos Dendias.

The former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis has sharply criticized Greece’s deepening ties with Israel and the United States, accusing the government of undermining national sovereignty and becoming overly dependent on foreign powers.

In remarks to Turkish daily Hurriyet, Varoufakis said Greece had effectively “become a satellite of Israel,” arguing that successive governments had backed policies that harmed national interests. “We have lost our independence. We are in the clutches not only of the U.S., but also of Israel,” he said.

Growing Israeli-Greek ties may harm Türkiye’s rapprochement with Greece after decades of hostilities. Türkiye is a major critic of Israel over its genocidal policy in Gaza and is wary of the Netanyahu administration’s expansionism across the region. As for Greece, Türkiye seeks common ground to improve ties, although the rapid pace of armament of Athens is a source of concern. Israel has emerged as a major arms supplier for both Athens and the Greek Cypriot administration, providing various types of advanced missiles, drones and electronic warfare systems.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hosted Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis in February for a warm meeting. Back then, Erdoğan said Türkiye and Greece remain committed to strengthening dialogue and cooperation as both neighbors pursue a more stable phase in bilateral ties, noting that issues are solvable.

Speaking at a joint news conference with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Erdoğan noted that the two sides must keep communication channels open “as neighboring allies are committed to cooperation.”

Both governments say they want to leave behind years of strained ties and focus on a positive agenda. In January, diplomats met in Athens to advance this track, as the neighbors work to ease friction over contested maritime boundaries and airspace in the Aegean. Tensions have flared intermittently in recent years between the historic rivals, who remain divided over where their continental shelves begin and end in the Aegean, an area believed to hold significant energy potential and linked to disputes over airspace and overflights.

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Antalya, at the heart of the Turkish Riviera, was rocked by corruption scandals last year. After the city’s mayor, Muhittin Böcek, and the Manavgat district’s mayor, Niyazi Nefi Kara, were arrested on charges of bribery, newly surfaced allegations against Kara, who is a member of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), like Böcek, reveal a cash-for-candidacy scheme in Türkiye’s oldest party.

A report published by the Sabah newspaper on Monday says Kara sought to collect 20 million euros ($23.13 million) to be funnelled to the party’s headquarters, in order to secure a nomination for the mayoral seat of Antalya Metropolitan Municipality.

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek, who was targeted in a defamation campaign by CHP, has recently told journalists that the opposition party sought to distract the public from allegations that Böcek also handed over 20 million euros to the CHP headquarters ahead of the 2024 local elections to secure his candidacy.

An investigation into alleged wrongdoings of Kara by the chief prosecutor’s office in Manavgat exposed how the mayor utilized municipal resources for his own political ambitions.

Testimonies in the case show that Kara aimed to run for the mayoral seat of Antalya in the next elections and discussed the matter with Osman Zafer Keçer, head of the Manavgat municipality’s department issuing construction and zoning permits. He allegedly told Keçer that he needed 20 million euros in cash to get approval from the CHP headquarters for candidacy in the next elections and “to boost his standing” within the party. After the discussions, the Manavgat municipality set up “an operational team” according to the Sabah report, focusing on major projects that required permits from the municipality. Two municipal bureaucrats leaked the details of pending projects to Kara’s nephew Hüseyin Cem Gül, his aides Bulem Şahbaz and Sıla Ceyhan Berkaya. Together with a “middleman,” bureaucrats contacted the project owners and asked for bribes under the name of “candidacy fund” for Kara. Companies that failed to pay had their project permits suspended indefinitely.

Keçer’s testimony in the case revealed that the Manavgat municipality was turned into an “electoral office” for Kara, the report says.

On March 18, Gürlek, a former prosecutor handling the corruption cases of CHP mayors, told journalists Böcek visited Manisa, a CHP-run municipality in western Türkiye and reportedly had a cash transaction with CHP officials at a gas station there, in order to secure his candidacy for next elections.

Testimonies in Böcek’s case corroborate Gürlek’s statements. Furkan Solak, a friend of Böcek’s son Gökhan, told investigators that the mayor’s son admitted that his father paid something “between TL 50 and 100 million” for securing his candidacy. “I met him sometime toward the end of 2023. He was angry and unhappy. When I asked him what happened, he told me that they donated the party TL 50 million for candidacy but party’s chair Özgür Özel still did not announce his father’s candidacy, though he announced the other candidates. Ali Yılmaz, another witness, gave a similar statement. “But Gökhan did not tell me how they collected that amount,” he said.

Serkan Çavdar, another witness, said Gökhan Böcek told him that they sent “millions of dollars” to CHP for his father’s candidacy and collected it from (rigged) tenders and businesspeople. Tuncay Sarıhan, a suspect in the case, told investigators last year that Gökhan Böcek covered the expenses of the party’s headquarters in Ankara from his own pocket.

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Ekrem Imamoğlu, former mayor of Istanbul for the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), and dozens of other defendants were on trial on Monday in Istanbul, in the eighth hearing in a case over allegations of corruption at the municipality. The third week of the hearings kicked off with statements of Ali Sukas, head of a municipal subsidiary, who was arrested along with Imamoğlu in March 2025. Resul Emrah Şahan and Mehmet Murat Çalık, former mayors of Istanbul’s Şişli and Beylikdüzü districts, respectively, are expected to present their defense in the hearings later this week.

The trial is being held in a massive courtroom-prison complex where Imamoğlu and others are also in custody. A total of 407 defendants, including 107 who are held in pre-trial custody, are on trial. The hearings will continue well into the night, a judicial practice for trials with a high number of defendants.

The first hearing of the trial was held amid turmoil as Imamoğlu attempted to disrupt the proceedings and wanted to testify first, although the defendants will be heard by the order defined by the court. Imamoğlu argued with the judges, leading to the court members to adjourn the hearing briefly. Imamoğlu and his party claim the charges against the defendants are politically motivated.

At Monday’s hearing, Sukas, who served as director of Ağaç A.Ş., a municipal subsidiary for sapling production and urban landscaping, denied corruption allegations and claimed witnesses testifying against him was part of a defamation campaign. A co-defendant in the case has claimed that the municipal subsidiary owed him cash for the work he has done through a contract but was forced to pay Sukas separately to collect his debt. Another defendant has claimed that Sukas asked him to lease him a bus to be used for election campaign tour of Sukas’ wife who was a candidate in recent elections for CHP, in exchange of collecting the cash Ağaç A.Ş. owed to him.

Dubbed “corruption of the century” by some Turkish media outlets, Imamoğlu and his associates at the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) are accused of involvement in 143 acts of bribery and corruption. Their actions cost the public TL 161 billion ($3.65 billion), according to the prosecutors.

The businessman-turned-mayor faces prison terms up to 2,352 years for multiple instances of corruption that mainly revolve around bribery accusations from businesspeople in exchange for operating, construction permits and accusations of widespread rigging in lucrative tenders of the municipality.

The trial is expected to take about two months before the court reaches a verdict or decides to postpone it to another date.

In their indictment of 3,806 pages, prosecutors named Imamoğlu as the leader of a criminal ring thriving on corruption. The court will question the mayor, the municipal bureaucrats and people doing business with the municipality on accusations of taking luxury residences as bribes and stacks of cash stored in a currency exchange office, which were reportedly illicit gains of the “Imamoğlu gang” and alleged secret transfer of bribe money from lucrative excavation businesses to abroad.

Along with corruption accusations, Imamoğlu faces charges of illegally obtaining personal data, money laundering and deliberate pollution of the environment, related to other crimes he is accused of, such as the alleged sale of personal information of Istanbul’s residents through a municipality app.

The indictment says Imamoğlu’s criminal organization was similar to the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), which is notorious for its infiltration into public institutions. Prosecutors say a network similar to FETÖ’s cells was established by Imamoğlu and others at the Istanbul municipality and district municipalities (also run by the CHP) of Türkiye’s most populated city. The suspects used counterintelligence tactics to avoid detection, the prosecutors say.

The mayor both sought personal enrichment and bought his way toward the full control of the CHP, the indictment says. Imamoğlu was picked as a future presidential candidate of the CHP after his arrest. Prior to an intraparty election in the CHP in 2023, Imamoğlu was caught red-handed as he lobbied for the ouster of the party’s chair, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. He is named in another trial on alleged vote-buying in the intraparty election, where he and others are accused of offering cash to delegates in exchange for votes for the Kılıçdaroğlu rival Özgür Özel. The “personal enrichment” cited by prosecutors includes three villas in Istanbul’s upscale Emirgan neighborhood worth TL 1.5 billion, which were not included in the declaration of assets by mayoral candidates at the elections. The indictment also includes witness statements on a private jet, which made multiple flights abroad to carry cash accumulated by Imamoğlu’s criminal ring to London. The flights between 2022 and 2025 were arranged by Murat Gülibrahimoğlu, a fugitive defendant in the case.

The indictment reveals that Taç Döviz, a firm named in a separate money laundering investigation, acted as a “custodian” for the criminal proceeds of the ring led by Imamoğlu.

Although the mayor is facing a slew of legal cases, Monday’s trial is by far the biggest. In a separate case, Imamoğlu is facing an even more significant legal obstacle: a lawsuit challenging the validity of his university degree, a constitutional requirement for presidential candidates.

Imamoğlu maintained his innocence in remarks made to public before the trial began, though he did not offer an elaborate defense, apparently saving it for the trial. His party also claims that the trial is politically motivated, pointing to the arrests of other CHP mayors before and after Imamoğlu’s arrest. In all cases, mayors were arrested on charges of corruption and some cases were directly linked to Imamoğlu himself. The main opposition staged rallies every evening in a different city after Imamoğlu’s arrest, to protest it and other cases.

Some suspects who collaborated with authorities as part of a plea deal claimed Imamoğlu sought to fund his campaign for the presidency through bribes.

Ertan Yıldız, the former head of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality’s department overseeing the subsidiaries, was among those collaborating with authorities. Speaking to the Yeni Şafak newspaper in an interview earlier this month, Yıldız detailed the “system” of corruption. “Imamoğlu always wanted to be president. It is not an evil goal but it matters how you try to achieve it. If Imamoğlu did not get himself into (this corruption), he would be a strong presidential contender. He did not have to do this, he did not have to be greedy,” he said.

Yıldız said Imamoğlu and his associates earned “resources” through lucrative tenders, especially on road maintenance and excavation. He said Gülibrahimoğlu was behind the usage of the vast Cebeci mining field for dumping construction leftovers. “This place was supposed to be run by a municipal subsidiary but was leased to another company and was unregulated. They launched tenders but the dumping was uncontrolled. They had a partnership of corruption, between Gülibrahimoğlu, Fatih Keleş and Ibrahim Bülbüllü,” he said, referring to other municipal figures.

“Overall, they had a lucrative system bringing in $150 million to 200 million yearly. They used to earn cash from minor tenders in the past but over time, they reaped more elsewhere,” he said, pointing out to reconstruction or construction permits at scenic Bosporus route of Istanbul. “They took bribes of $1 million for permits. All were delivered in bags,” he said.

He said Gülibrahimoğlu earned $10 million-20 million from the Cebeci mining field and when he objected to his schemes to funnel cash to his company, he complained. “But Imamoğlu supported him,” he claimed.

Digging deeper into an alleged criminal network run by Imamoğlu and expanding another investigation linked to a businessperson whom the district municipalities had awarded lucrative contracts, investigators launched further operations, rounding up municipal bureaucrats and other mayors throughout 2025.

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