Politics
Turkish opposition’s CHP seeks way out after nullification verdict
Türkiye’s main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) was searching for a political and legal path forward on Friday after a court ruling ousted its leader and annulled its congress.
A court in Ankara on Thursday ordered the removal of Özgür Özel and the current party administration from their positions. It ruled that the 2023 party congress, during which Özel was elected chair, was invalid due to irregularities.
The court ordered that former CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and the party’s previous leadership temporarily take over the party’s administration.
The verdict, which is not yet final, has deepened a years-long internal rift and added uncertainty within the CHP by also voiding subsequent congresses, the new party program, bylaw changes and decisions taken under Özel’s leadership.
Özel rejected the ruling and said the party would appeal to the Supreme Election Council (YSK) and the Supreme Court of Appeals, while insisting the struggle would remain within the CHP rather than through the formation of a new political party. He also vowed to personally remain “day and night” in the CHP’s headquarters in Ankara.
The court on Friday upheld its ruling, rejecting the CHP’s appeal and leaving the party with the option to take the case to the Supreme Court of Appeals. If that court also upholds the decision, it would become final under Turkish law, ending the legal dispute over the congress.
The issue at stake is whether delegates were bribed to vote for Özel during the CHP leadership contest in November 2023. The case, brought by a former party member, has weighed on the party for years.
The Ankara court found that “the will of the delegates was corrupted” at the congress, making the leadership vote legally invalid. The ruling cited allegations that some delegates were offered money, municipal positions, jobs and other benefits in exchange for support during the congress that ended Kılıçdaroğlu’s 13-year tenure.
The CHP leadership has denied the accusations. The case was dismissed in October before later being reopened.
The ruling comes amid dozens of legal cases involving the CHP, with hundreds of party members and several mayors detained since last year in ongoing corruption investigations, including former Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu, who has been in pre-trial detention since March 2025.
Kılıçdaroğlu led the CHP for more than a decade before unsuccessfully challenging long-serving President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in the 2023 presidential election. Özel was chosen to replace Kılıçdaroğlu after the election defeat and sought to reposition the party.
Rival camps trade blame
The decision has effectively revived a bitter internal struggle that has simmered between Özel’s camp and Kılıçdaroğlu’s supporters since Özel’s victory.
At CHP headquarters in Ankara, supporters of Özel gathered late into the night, chanting slogans and waving flags, while police reinforced security around the building as rival claims to leadership intensified.
Inside and outside the party premises, emotions ran high. Some supporters removed a framed photograph of Kılıçdaroğlu from a display of past CHP chairs, while others tore it down and trampled it on the ground, shouting accusations against him.
In a notable early move after the ruling, Kılıçdaroğlu dismissed three party lawyers who had filed appeals against the decision, a step seen by party insiders as an attempt to quickly reassert control over the party’s legal and administrative apparatus.
Momentum within his camp appeared to grow in the wake of the ruling. According to party sources, 13-14 provincial chairpeople, including those from Adıyaman, Elazığ, Tunceli and Bingöl, contacted Kılıçdaroğlu to express support. Those same sources also claimed around 70 of the party’s 138 MPs had sent messages backing him, saying “we are with you.”
Supporters described the shift as broader than it appeared publicly, arguing that many officials had previously remained silent due to internal pressure.
Some lawmakers, however, rallied behind Özel and framed the ruling as an attempt to weaken the opposition through the courts.
CHP lawmaker Mahir Polat said the party should emerge “stronger and united” from the process, while another CHP deputy, Hüseyin Yıldız, urged members to respect the judicial decision and focus on preserving the party’s cohesion.
Outside the CHP, reactions reflected wider concern over the implications of the ruling for Turkish politics.
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli called on both Kılıçdaroğlu and Özel to avoid deepening divisions and seek compromise in order to preserve the CHP’s institutional structure.
“Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu should undertake a historic responsibility in order not to hurt this deeply rooted institution and, within the framework permitted by law, he should waive his position in favor of reaching a joint formula for the future of the party,” Bahçeli said.
Kılıçdaroğlu’s path
Kılıçdaroğlu’s return has been accompanied by reports of early organizational moves and internal realignment discussions.
Party sources say he has begun consultations in Ankara on a possible road map and is expected to focus first on restoring internal order. According to CHP sources, it is considered “highly likely” that he will lead the party into the next election cycle before shaping its longer-term structure.
Kılıçdaroğlu is expected to proceed cautiously on structural changes. Sources close to him say he is unlikely to immediately call an extraordinary congress and instead may follow the party’s regular organizational calendar beginning later this year.
At the same time, internal dynamics remain unsettled. Officials who once served under Kılıçdaroğlu later joined Özel’s “change” movement, while others became mayors, parliamentary officials or resigned from party bodies, raising questions about how effectively authority can be reasserted across the organization.
Party sources say early discussions include the possible establishment of an internal ethics mechanism aimed at reviewing corruption allegations within the party.
The idea, described by insiders as part of a “clean politics” approach, is said to include the potential suspension of members under investigation, though no immediate decisions are expected.
Some within his camp are also considering disciplinary steps for members facing corruption allegations, but party officials say leadership is trying to avoid moves that could further inflame tensions.
No new party
Despite heated rhetoric, senior figures in both camps have so far signaled they do not support an outright split.
Talk of a possible breakaway has circulated in CHP circles for some time, with suggestions that Özel’s administration could operate a “reserve party” in case of prolonged legal uncertainty.
However, Özel has rejected that option for now, framing the fight as internal. “We are the landlords, tenants leave, landlords stay,” he said, underscoring his insistence on remaining within the party structure.
Due to an interim injunction, the appeals process is expected to take time, with some suggesting a final ruling may not come before the upcoming elections.
In that scenario, analysts say Özel’s camp could still revisit contingency plans, including a backup structure to field candidates if needed.
Political analysts say the CHP now faces one of the most serious institutional crises in its recent history.
The appeals process could take months, leaving the party caught between two competing centers of authority while Türkiye’s opposition landscape remains in flux ahead of future elections.
For Özel and his allies, the challenge will be maintaining political legitimacy and support within the party base while navigating an increasingly uncertain legal process.
For Kılıçdaroğlu, the task may prove equally delicate: reasserting authority over a divided party without triggering a deeper rupture inside the opposition.
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek said Tuesday that investigators have obtained evidence indicating that the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) was involved in the 2009 death of prominent politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, as prosecutors continue an investigation into the helicopter crash that killed him.
Asked whether concrete evidence linking the crash to an operation by FETÖ had entered the case file, Gürlek said: “Of course it has.”
Speaking at Anadolu Agency’s (AA) Editors’ Desk in Ankara, Gürlek said prosecutors believe the incident was carried out under organizational instructions from the group, which Ankara says infiltrated key state institutions before the failed July 15, 2016 coup attempt.
Yazıcıoğlu, founder and former chair of the Great Unity Party (BBP), died along with five others when their helicopter crashed in the southern province of Kahramanmaraş in March 2009.
Gürlek cited several pieces of evidence investigators are examining, including alleged contacts involving a military pilot and Adil Öksüz, a key suspect accused of helping organize the 2016 coup attempt.
He also cited phone records, meetings allegedly held with the group’s covert operatives and messages on ByLock, an encrypted messaging application widely used by FETÖ members.
According to Gürlek, one ByLock exchange referring to the incident said it had been carried out “as easily as pulling a hair from butter” and that the group’s leader was “very pleased.”
Gürlek said arrests were made during an initial operation and that Ankara prosecutors have since carried out a second operation. The investigation remains underway.
The minister also addressed a reopened investigation into the 2011 death of former National Intelligence Organization (MİT) officer Kaşif Kozinoğlu in Silivri prison.
Kozinoğlu’s death was initially recorded as a heart attack, but Gürlek said investigators now have findings suggesting he may have died following an intervention rather than from natural causes.
His remains have been exhumed as part of the investigation, while the Forensic Medicine Institute has yet to issue its final report. Nine suspects are currently jailed pending trial in the case, according to the minister.
The minister further said the Justice Ministry’s department investigating unresolved crimes has reviewed around 640 cases and that 56 previously unresolved cases have so far been solved.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday received the family of Hind Rajab, the 6-year-old Palestinian girl ruthlessly killed in an Israeli attack in Gaza, at the Presidential Complex in Ankara.
Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy was also present during the closed-door meeting, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.
The president hosted the family in December 2025, when they came to Türkiye to attend the screening of the Voice of Hind Rajab movie.
Hind’s tragic death has drawn international attention amid Israel’s genocidal attacks in Gaza, which have resulted in widespread civilian casualties.
The Israeli military admitted to firing at the family car carrying Rajab, four of her cousins and her aunt and uncle as they fled an Israeli invasion of Gaza City.
As gunfire sprayed around them, Rajab’s cousin, 15-year-old Layan Hamada, called the Palestinian Red Crescent paramedic center, telling them that a tank was approaching and her family had been killed. Seconds later, more gunshots were heard, and Layan’s screaming stopped, according to the Red Crescent recording of the call.
Palestinian paramedics dispatched an ambulance to rescue Rajab, the sole survivor, and stayed on the line until contact was lost. Rajab, her five relatives and two medics from the ambulance were found dead 12 days later.
The military admitted that troops had fired toward that ambulance, killing the two medics.
A curt statement followed an Oct. 5 meeting of ministers and army chiefs in Riyadh on the Mecca Joint Defense Alliance. The Strategic Political and Defense Committee of the alliance, in its second meeting after an Istanbul gathering, decided to deploy military forces and capabilities to Saudi Arabia. The move is the most concrete step since the agreement was signed in August by top officials of Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, to showcase the impact of the alliance in the broader region. Experts say the alliance remains focused on defense amid tensions between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis in Yemen, which stepped up attacks on the kingdom.
The Sabah newspaper reported on Wednesday that Türkiye would provide low- and medium-altitude aerial defense systems to Saudi Arabia along with assistance in drone technologies and electronic warfare. The newspaper also reported that Saudi Arabia was working on setting up a base for Türkiye. A Foreign Ministry official told Daily Sabah that the Saudi side conveyed “some expectations” to Türkiye and they would examine those.
Gökhan Ereli, assistant professor in the Political Science and International Relations Department at Ibn Haldun University in Istanbul, told Daily Sabah that the multilateral defense mechanism represents “a strictly territorial security framework.”
“It is fundamentally defensive. Under no circumstances will allied military assets deployed through this agreement be drawn into the internal combat operations of the Yemeni theater. Their mandate remains exclusively confined to fortifying Saudi Arabia’s capacity to intercept cross-border hostilities. This ensures the kingdom can effectively shield its sovereign territory from external strikes. Ultimately, by consolidating these defensive lines, the pact establishes a robust deterrent that substantially bolsters the broader security architecture of the region,” Ereli stated.
As civil war in Yemen flared up this summer, Houthis spread it to Saudi Arabia, prompting the central government in Yemen to launch an all-out operation against the group this week. Saudi Arabia’s oil and military installations are among the main targets of the Houthis.
Ereli says the unified posture of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan was a result of current geopolitical realities.
“The Houthi movement continues to operate as a profound destabilizing force. They project a sustained, asymmetric threat both within Yemen’s borders and across the wider regional landscape. Countering this hazard is paramount. Furthermore, the structural stability of the entire region remains deeply intertwined with the political trajectory of Sanaa. Protecting the fundamental welfare of the Yemeni people and ensuring the survival of their legitimate political authority are not merely localized objectives. They serve as indispensable prerequisites for achieving durable regional peace and preventing further systemic fragmentation,” he said.
Critical threshold
Yusuf Bahadır Keskin, assistant professor at Amasya University Social and Strategic Research Center (AÜSSAM), says the alliance was at a “critical threshold,” citing the clause of the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, which says an attack on one party would be viewed as an attack on all sides of the agreement.
“Nowadays, we witness that this won’t remain on paper. Houthis crossed a boundary here. Though they deny it, we saw attacks targeting the infrastructure of sacred sites. We see attacks on oil facilities and military bases in Saudi Arabia. This is beyond a mere border issue. It is an overall threat to the security of the kingdom and the region,” Keskin said.
He stated that Houthis’ aggression toward the legitimate government in Yemen was also unacceptable for the wider region. “Even though attacks on Saudi Arabia may cease at one point, it is not realistic to expect the situation to calm down in the short run,” he stressed.
Keskin highlighted that the Mecca alliance openly demonstrated that it would take “active responsibility in defense of Saudi Arabia” through the message given in Riyadh during the meeting of foreign and defense ministers and military officials on Monday.
“At this stage, the alliance’s strategy toward the Houthis should be understood primarily in terms of deterrence and defense support. Looking at the statements, there is no promise or plan for a ground operation inside Yemen or a joint offensive. The focus is clear: defending the kingdom’s territory. But there is another side to this. If the deterrence messages are ignored, the Houthis will have to face a much tougher intervention. In other words, the door is not closed, but the sequence is clear,” he underlined.
“Ankara and Islamabad could concretely contribute in areas such as air defense systems, intelligence sharing, advisory support or limited air assets. Each of these would significantly raise the cost of Houthi attacks targeting Saudi cities, energy infrastructure and holy sites. It would also make any potential retaliation much more effective and destructive,” Keskin added.
“Pakistan already has a longstanding military presence in Saudi Arabia, and expanding that presence could be on the agenda. Perhaps even the establishment of a Turkish military base in the kingdom could come up in the months ahead. For now, on the Turkish side, the focus appears to be more on training and the integration of defense industry products,” he also said.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said last month that the defense alliance was “part of a shared effort to promote regional security and stability.”
In an interview with U.S. magazine Newsweek, Erdoğan has stressed that Türkiye’s broader diplomatic priority was to prevent existing conflicts from spreading and to keep channels for negotiations open.
“Conflicts directly affect the security, economy and stability of our region. At times like these, it is the shared responsibility of the international community to expand the space for diplomacy rather than narrow it,” said Erdoğan.
Keskin says that Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s emphasis on a measured stance after the meeting in Riyadh shows that deterrence and a diplomatic solution are “still being given a chance.”
In his first statement after the meeting, Fidan underlined that they discussed in detail “what could be done to resolve the issue (of the Yemen conflict) peacefully and through dialogue.” Fidan said the talks focused both on strengthening the institutional structure of the alliance and on possible steps that could be taken in response to the current situation involving Saudi Arabia and Yemen.
“Diplomacy remains on the table, but there is also very serious preparation on the ground,” Keskin pointed out.
He added that the positions of Türkiye and Pakistan could have a profound impact on the regional balance, both in terms of deterrence and operational capacity.
“For Türkiye, the issue has both symbolic and strategic significance: the security of an ally, the protection of Islam’s holy sites, and the security of the Turkish Ministry of National Education-affiliated school in Abha, its staff and Turkish citizens, with the city located approximately 100 kilometers from the Yemeni border. When these three factors come together, the possibility of Türkiye becoming directly involved in the process, if necessary, will also increase,” he said.
“The latest developments represent the alliance’s first serious test. Since the alliance was announced, the Houthis have effectively been testing it, and that test has now crossed the red line. Everyone is now watching how the alliance will respond to this challenge. If the necessary steps are not taken at this stage, it could undermine the alliance’s credibility in the years ahead. But if it demonstrates the right and resolute stance, the Mecca alliance will have taken a very important step toward becoming a genuine security architecture in the region,” Keskin concluded.
Türkiye and Hungary will hold the first meeting of their Joint Planning Group on Thursday as the two NATO allies seek to deepen cooperation in trade, defense, energy and regional security, according to Turkish diplomatic sources.
Hungarian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Anita Orban will visit Türkiye on Oct. 8 for talks with Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, with the newly established mechanism expected to provide a framework for coordinating the two countries’ expanding strategic partnership.
During the talks, Fidan is expected to underline the importance of a $10 billion (TL 491.95 billion) bilateral trade target as a key milestone for expanding economic ties and boosting mutual investment, according to the sources.
Bilateral trade reached approximately $5.1 billion in 2025. Turkish investments in Hungary currently total about $231 million, while Hungarian investments in Türkiye stand at about $35 million. Around 300 Turkish companies operate in Hungary, while nearly 100 Hungarian-capital companies are active in Türkiye.
Fidan is also expected to highlight cooperation in energy, transportation and connectivity and express Ankara’s interest in developing new joint projects.
Defense cooperation will feature prominently in the discussions, with Fidan expected to stress the importance of further developing military and defense industry ties between the two NATO allies based on shared interests and objectives.
The ministers are also expected to discuss Türkiye-European Union relations, including Ankara’s calls for the modernization of the customs union, progress in the visa liberalization dialogue and its long-running EU membership process.
The Turkish minister is expected to argue that Europe’s security cannot be considered separately from Türkiye’s capabilities and emphasize Ankara’s expectation of being effectively included in EU security and defense initiatives.
The talks are also expected to cover Hungary’s support for Türkiye’s EU accession process and Budapest’s engagement with the Organization of Turkic States, where Ankara views Hungary as playing an important role in strengthening interaction between Europe and the Turkic world.
Orban and Fidan are expected to exchange views on major regional and international developments, including the Russia-Ukraine war, Gaza and Palestine, the Balkans, Iran and developments surrounding the Strait of Hormuz.
Türkiye and Hungary established their High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council in 2013, elevating bilateral ties to a strategic partnership. Relations were upgraded to an “enhanced strategic partnership” during the council’s sixth meeting in Budapest in 2023.
The Joint Planning Group was established at the council’s seventh meeting in Istanbul on Dec. 8, 2025. Co-chaired by the two countries’ foreign ministers, the group is tasked with coordinating the implementation of decisions taken by the council and preparing future high-level meetings.
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli addressed his supporters at a parliamentary group meeting on Tuesday. Among other things, Bahçeli’s speech focused on the political future of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdoğan will be eligible to run for the presidency in the 2028 election, but this will require Parliament to approve the renewal of the election. Bahçeli pointed to this fact and threw his full support behind another term for Erdoğan.
“If our president finds it suitable and Parliament demonstrates its constitutional will, the People’s Alliance (of the MHP and Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party)) wants to have him as its candidate,” he said.
“Maintaining the momentum Türkiye has achieved will be possible if President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan runs for office once again and is elected president for a third term. The third term will coincide with many significant developments in Türkiye, the region and the world, and, above all, it will require the resolve and experience to navigate this challenging period. That experience lies with Erdoğan through the executive presidential system and the institutional structure of the People’s Alliance,” Bahçeli said.
It has been 12 years since Erdoğan became Türkiye’s first president elected directly by popular vote, a period that has seen the country overhaul its system of government and expand its diplomatic and defense footprint.
“At a time when the world is going through a chaotic period, amid an environment of uncertainty in our region and as historic steps are being taken toward a ‘terror-free Türkiye’ and a terror-free region, Türkiye needs to not change course or abandon its goals, but to fully maintain its existing capabilities and resources both systemically and institutionally,” Bahçeli said, referring to the process for the dissolution of the PKK terrorist group that the MHP leader spearheaded.
“Considering the responsibility our president has assumed to date, the leadership he has demonstrated and the strategic capacity he has brought to Türkiye, it would be in the interests of Türkiye and our region for him to serve another term as president. There is more than sufficient legal, political and social ground to make this possible,” Bahçeli stated.
Erdoğan’s chief adviser Mehmet Uçum, who also serves as deputy chair of the Presidency’s Legal Policies Board, clarified a debate over the date of the next elections last month. Uçum told journalists that the elections will most likely be held on April 16, 2028, the same date as a referendum held in 2017 on the switch to an executive presidential system. He also underlined that this would be the last election Erdoğan would be eligible to run in.
Uçum said the elections may be held on that date if Parliament approves the renewal of the elections, something that would require the support of 360 lawmakers. He said the possibility of an election in the last quarter of 2027 was “low” amid calls from the opposition for an early election.
Under Turkish law, an election would normally be held in May 2028. However, the Constitution allows Parliament to trigger an early election if such a move has the support of 360 of the Turkish Parliament’s 600 lawmakers, which would open the way for Erdoğan to seek another term. The People’s Alliance has 326 seats in total.
The government has repeatedly insisted that elections will be held on schedule. Erdoğan, who was elected prime minister in 2003, was elected president in 2014 after serving three terms as premier.
Bahçeli recalled Article 116 of the Constitution, which stipulates that, “If the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye decides to renew elections during the president’s second term, the president may run for office once more,” saying the provision allows for a third presidential candidacy if Parliament decides, by a qualified majority, to renew the elections.
“For President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to be able to run for office again, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye should, at an appropriate time and with the broadest possible consensus, decide to renew the elections. If the renewed elections are held in 2028 within the framework of Parliament’s decision, this will not undermine stability or predictability, and the system will have been operated in accordance with its spirit. With the emergence of such a political will, unnecessary debates will come to an end, uncertainties will disappear, economic confidence will increase, and our country will be able to continue full steam ahead on its path as it takes historic steps. The instability that Türkiye’s adversaries expect and hope for will not materialize, and the calculations of those who invest in uncertainty, chaos and turmoil will be thwarted.
“It should also be underlined here that our issue is not the political careers of individuals, but the continuity of the state, political stability and, ultimately, the construction and revitalization of a leading Türkiye,” Bahçeli said.
Emphasizing that the MHP views 2028 not merely as an election year but as the beginning of a period in which major reforms will be implemented in Türkiye, Bahçeli said efforts aimed at diverting attention from these goals should come to an end.
“Candidacy must be clarified, and the realities of the world must be confronted under conditions of ruthless competition. Alongside the president, the parliamentary majority must undoubtedly also belong to the People’s Alliance, while the Nationalist Movement Party must definitely increase its strength of representation in the legislature to ensure that the checks and balances mechanism functions more effectively. Because if the MHP is strong, Türkiye will be secure. If the MHP is strong, our national unity and fraternity will be strengthened, and our people will find peace,” he said.
Bahçeli said his party’s legislative objectives were clear.
“First is representational strength. Within this framework, our goal is to increase our vote share, raise the number of our lawmakers and become Türkiye’s leading party. Second is institutional strength. Within the institutional structure of the legislature, our goal is to assume more positions in its governing bodies and become more effective. Third is political strength. In this way, we aim to become more effective and decisive in legislative activities and policymaking, and to implement our party’s strategic objectives and economic and social policy priorities,” he said.
“Within this framework, I express the political formula for the next five-year period, which will witness Türkiye’s rise, as follows: Erdoğan in the executive, MHP in the legislature, the People’s Alliance in Türkiye, and the ‘Century of Türkiye’ in the world. This formula expresses our strategy that the legislature, like the executive, must be strong, while also being able to exercise oversight, produce policies and play a decisive role, as well as our determination to become a global power.”
Bahçeli, who traditionally wears a different ring at every parliamentary group speech, was seen wearing one featuring the crescent and star symbols of the Turkish flag and the immortal verses of Turkish folk singer Neşet Ertaş: “You have been my hidden, you are my outward, you have been my first, you are my last,” words derived from esoteric expressions linked to Islam.
Security forces on Wednesday launched two new operations in Istanbul and Izmir targeting municipal officials accused of corruption. They are the latest in a string of raids targeting municipalities across the country over the past two years.
In Istanbul’s Esenyurt district, one of the city’s most populated districts, police detained 17 suspects, including a deputy mayor. The suspects are accused of corruption in certain public tenders held by the municipality and taking bribes from contractors. Two other suspects in the case remain at large.
Along with Deputy Mayor Yusuf Ulutaş, former Deputy Mayor Ümit Ünal and the head of a municipal department were detained in the operation. Esenyurt municipality was run by the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), but Mayor Ahmet Özer was removed from office in 2024 after his arrest in an investigation into his alleged links to a terrorist group. Since then, the municipality has been run by a district governor appointed as a trustee.
In Çeşme, a popular tourism destination in the western province of Izmir, security forces detained 11 suspects in an operation targeting the local municipality. The suspects are accused of running a criminal ring and committing bribery and forgery of official documents. Among those detained was the acting head of the municipality’s construction and urban planning department.
Authorities said the operation was launched following a tip that a municipal employee was trying to destroy documents at the construction and urban planning department, apparently to cover up irregularities. Çeşme’s former Deputy Mayor O.G., a suspect in the case, was already jailed as part of another investigation.
Earlier investigations in other municipalities showed that construction and urban planning departments were heavily involved in corruption scandals, allegedly issuing construction and zoning permits in exchange for lavish gifts and cash from contractors and other businesspeople.
On Tuesday, the Interior Ministry announced that four mayors and an acting mayor had been suspended from office after being detained in corruption investigations.
Among them were Mithat Bülent Özmen, mayor of Istanbul’s Eyüpsultan district; Murat Güneş, acting mayor of Istanbul’s Ataşehir district; Abdullah Özyiğit, mayor of the Yenişehir district of the southern province of Mersin; and Ahmet Serkan Tuncer, mayor of Mersin’s Mezitli district.
Mersin Mayor Vahap Seçer, who was detained along with Tuncer and Özyiğit in a recent anti-corruption operation, was suspended both from his mayoral post and as chair of the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye.
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