Politics
Türkiye’s National Security Council moves beyond its troubled past
The National Security Council (NSC) is back in the spotlight, but not with the notorious image it once retained. The council, whose members include the president, vice president, ministers of justice, national defense, interior, foreign affairs, the Chief of General Staff and commanders of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), recently launched a series of conferences.
The conferences aim to expand the outreach of the council from ministers and commanders to other top officials. The NSC says the conference will help deepen the knowledge of administrators from different disciplines and institutions on matters regarding national security, expand their viewpoints and boost cooperation between different public institutions.
Eray Güçlüer, a staff member at Istanbul Altınbaş University and president of Eurasian Strategic Research Center (ASAM), recounted how the NSC in the past was simply a “tool” to advance the agenda of certain circles instead of the country’s security.
“The National Security Council was one of the most powerful tools used during the Feb. 28 era to allegedly legitimize the mentality of the Feb. 28 tutelage,” Güçlüer told Daily Sabah. The so-called “postmodern” coup of 1997 in Türkiye is known as the Feb. 28 coup, as that was the day when the NSC held a lengthy meeting and ultimately decided to issue a veiled ultimatum to the government. Soon after the meeting, the government collapsed, in another blow to Turkish democracy which already suffered from coups and military memoranda since 1960.
“Because the National Security Council is related to state security, all decisions made there that ran counter to this country’s values, beliefs and culture were framed as if they were decisions of the state, as if they were legitimate, and as if they were related to security. In doing so, a perception was created to use the NSC as a tool, a seemingly legitimate tool, at all times to establish and develop this process of tutelage in Türkiye,” Güçlüer said.
“In this manner, those with backward, obsolete mindsets and foreign-directed mentalities, who sought to generate leverage through tutelage, used the NSC as a springboard and a sphere of legitimacy for themselves,” he added.
Güçlüer stated that only after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan launched the processes to end the military tutelage in 2001, back when the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) came to power, did the council manage to transform itself. “Today, the NSC has attained a position that solely contemplates the nation’s security, acts in harmony with the values of its society, and proceeds along a national line,” he said.
Recent council meetings demonstrate a focus on high-stakes, authentic national security priorities instead of, for instance, the threat of “reactionary forces,” an excuse used by plotters of the 1997 coup to clamp down on conservative citizens simply seeking to practice their faith while serving the public. In the realm of counterterrorism, the NSC has coordinated vital cross-border operations against the PKK, its Syrian wing YPG, the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Daesh. On regional geopolitics, the council formulated and/or reinforced the Blue Homeland maritime doctrine and managed critical energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean. Additionally, it tackles modern hybrid warfare by addressing state-level cyber threats, misinformation campaigns and intelligence coordination.
Mert H. Akgün, researcher in law and human rights at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), said a substantial number of challenges to modern democracies over the past century have stemmed from the efforts of military elites to intervene in civilian politics. “As part of this anti-democratic pursuit of power, military autonomy was carved out at the expense of elected governments in many countries. In Türkiye’s case, one of the most important pillars of that autonomy was the National Security Council,” he told Daily Sabah.
“The post-coup constitutions conceived of the NSC essentially as an instrument for overseeing the government. In line with this approach, the council functioned not as an advisory mechanism assisting the government on national security matters, but as a platform of military tutelage through which military elites held civilian politics to account and issued directives to elected governments under the rubric of “national security policy,” Akgün said.
“The 1961 Constitution, adopted in the aftermath of the May 27 military coup, elevated the NSC to constitutional status and increased the number of military members on the council. The 1982 Constitution, drafted by the perpetrators of the Sept. 12 coup (in 1980), went even further by giving the military a majority over civilian politicians within the council,” Akgün stated.
“It is telling that the council was referred to in certain periods as a ‘shadow cabinet.’ Time and again, the media and the public saw that real power rested with the military elite. Throughout the 1990s and into the early 2000s, the council operated as part of a military oversight structure that supervised democratically elected governments on a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues from counterterrorism to the Cyprus question, from the European Union accession process to freedom of religion and worship,” Akgün also said.
The NSC’s transformation ran parallel with the resistance of the AK Party governments to a return to a past where elected leaders were forced to bow down to an all too powerful military that also enjoyed support from other organs of the state such as the judiciary, as well as the media. Since its first victory in the early 2000s, the AK Party governments have battled threats to shut down the party, a notorious e-memorandum issued by the Chief of General Staff, and most recently, a coup attempt by infiltrators of FETÖ in the army.
Akgün pointed out that many modern democracies have similar bodies established to assist the government on matters of national security. “In liberal democracies such as the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, France and the Netherlands, these councils are composed entirely of civilians. In the United States, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is not a member of the National Security Council but serves as its military adviser. In Spain, Greece and Italy, the chiefs of general staff are among the council members. It is also notable that the secretaries-general of national security councils are predominantly civilian bureaucrats,” Akgün said.
“While the principal function of these councils is defense policy, their agendas are not confined to purely military matters. In the U.S., the National Security Council’s agenda includes global climate change, international economic developments and pandemic threats. Likewise, in the U.K., the council’s remit covers issues such as development and energy security. The same holds true for Italy’s equivalent body, the Supreme Council of Defense,” Akgün said.
Akgün stated that the NSC was normalized through constitutional and legal reforms. “These reforms made clear that the council’s decisions were advisory in nature, opened the way for a civilian to be appointed as its secretary-general, and abolished the NSC’s authority over political matters and civilian institutions. Finally, the 2017 constitutional amendment removed the commander of the gendarmerie from the council. Through these steps, the NSC was transformed from a platform of military-civilian confrontation that repeatedly generated systemic problems into an institution focused on national and international security. Today, it is no longer a source of political crises but functions as a stabilizing mechanism in the face of multidimensional threats,” Akgün said.
Speaking at the inauguration of NSC conferences on June 9, President Erdoğan said the transformation of the NSC was one of the symbols of the “silent revolution in state administration.”
“I find it very valuable, not only for Turkish democracy but also for Türkiye’s national security, that our general secretariat has been freed from these tasks that distracted its attention and energy, allowing it to focus on its core duties. By making the best use of the advantages that (executive presidency system) has brought to our state administration and decision-making processes, we will, God willing, continue to add strength to Türkiye’s power,” Erdoğan said.
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek said Tuesday that investigators have obtained evidence indicating that the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) was involved in the 2009 death of prominent politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, as prosecutors continue an investigation into the helicopter crash that killed him.
Asked whether concrete evidence linking the crash to an operation by FETÖ had entered the case file, Gürlek said: “Of course it has.”
Speaking at Anadolu Agency’s (AA) Editors’ Desk in Ankara, Gürlek said prosecutors believe the incident was carried out under organizational instructions from the group, which Ankara says infiltrated key state institutions before the failed July 15, 2016 coup attempt.
Yazıcıoğlu, founder and former chair of the Great Unity Party (BBP), died along with five others when their helicopter crashed in the southern province of Kahramanmaraş in March 2009.
Gürlek cited several pieces of evidence investigators are examining, including alleged contacts involving a military pilot and Adil Öksüz, a key suspect accused of helping organize the 2016 coup attempt.
He also cited phone records, meetings allegedly held with the group’s covert operatives and messages on ByLock, an encrypted messaging application widely used by FETÖ members.
According to Gürlek, one ByLock exchange referring to the incident said it had been carried out “as easily as pulling a hair from butter” and that the group’s leader was “very pleased.”
Gürlek said arrests were made during an initial operation and that Ankara prosecutors have since carried out a second operation. The investigation remains underway.
The minister also addressed a reopened investigation into the 2011 death of former National Intelligence Organization (MİT) officer Kaşif Kozinoğlu in Silivri prison.
Kozinoğlu’s death was initially recorded as a heart attack, but Gürlek said investigators now have findings suggesting he may have died following an intervention rather than from natural causes.
His remains have been exhumed as part of the investigation, while the Forensic Medicine Institute has yet to issue its final report. Nine suspects are currently jailed pending trial in the case, according to the minister.
The minister further said the Justice Ministry’s department investigating unresolved crimes has reviewed around 640 cases and that 56 previously unresolved cases have so far been solved.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday received the family of Hind Rajab, the 6-year-old Palestinian girl ruthlessly killed in an Israeli attack in Gaza, at the Presidential Complex in Ankara.
Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy was also present during the closed-door meeting, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.
The president hosted the family in December 2025, when they came to Türkiye to attend the screening of the Voice of Hind Rajab movie.
Hind’s tragic death has drawn international attention amid Israel’s genocidal attacks in Gaza, which have resulted in widespread civilian casualties.
The Israeli military admitted to firing at the family car carrying Rajab, four of her cousins and her aunt and uncle as they fled an Israeli invasion of Gaza City.
As gunfire sprayed around them, Rajab’s cousin, 15-year-old Layan Hamada, called the Palestinian Red Crescent paramedic center, telling them that a tank was approaching and her family had been killed. Seconds later, more gunshots were heard, and Layan’s screaming stopped, according to the Red Crescent recording of the call.
Palestinian paramedics dispatched an ambulance to rescue Rajab, the sole survivor, and stayed on the line until contact was lost. Rajab, her five relatives and two medics from the ambulance were found dead 12 days later.
The military admitted that troops had fired toward that ambulance, killing the two medics.
A curt statement followed an Oct. 5 meeting of ministers and army chiefs in Riyadh on the Mecca Joint Defense Alliance. The Strategic Political and Defense Committee of the alliance, in its second meeting after an Istanbul gathering, decided to deploy military forces and capabilities to Saudi Arabia. The move is the most concrete step since the agreement was signed in August by top officials of Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, to showcase the impact of the alliance in the broader region. Experts say the alliance remains focused on defense amid tensions between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis in Yemen, which stepped up attacks on the kingdom.
The Sabah newspaper reported on Wednesday that Türkiye would provide low- and medium-altitude aerial defense systems to Saudi Arabia along with assistance in drone technologies and electronic warfare. The newspaper also reported that Saudi Arabia was working on setting up a base for Türkiye. A Foreign Ministry official told Daily Sabah that the Saudi side conveyed “some expectations” to Türkiye and they would examine those.
Gökhan Ereli, assistant professor in the Political Science and International Relations Department at Ibn Haldun University in Istanbul, told Daily Sabah that the multilateral defense mechanism represents “a strictly territorial security framework.”
“It is fundamentally defensive. Under no circumstances will allied military assets deployed through this agreement be drawn into the internal combat operations of the Yemeni theater. Their mandate remains exclusively confined to fortifying Saudi Arabia’s capacity to intercept cross-border hostilities. This ensures the kingdom can effectively shield its sovereign territory from external strikes. Ultimately, by consolidating these defensive lines, the pact establishes a robust deterrent that substantially bolsters the broader security architecture of the region,” Ereli stated.
As civil war in Yemen flared up this summer, Houthis spread it to Saudi Arabia, prompting the central government in Yemen to launch an all-out operation against the group this week. Saudi Arabia’s oil and military installations are among the main targets of the Houthis.
Ereli says the unified posture of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan was a result of current geopolitical realities.
“The Houthi movement continues to operate as a profound destabilizing force. They project a sustained, asymmetric threat both within Yemen’s borders and across the wider regional landscape. Countering this hazard is paramount. Furthermore, the structural stability of the entire region remains deeply intertwined with the political trajectory of Sanaa. Protecting the fundamental welfare of the Yemeni people and ensuring the survival of their legitimate political authority are not merely localized objectives. They serve as indispensable prerequisites for achieving durable regional peace and preventing further systemic fragmentation,” he said.
Critical threshold
Yusuf Bahadır Keskin, assistant professor at Amasya University Social and Strategic Research Center (AÜSSAM), says the alliance was at a “critical threshold,” citing the clause of the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, which says an attack on one party would be viewed as an attack on all sides of the agreement.
“Nowadays, we witness that this won’t remain on paper. Houthis crossed a boundary here. Though they deny it, we saw attacks targeting the infrastructure of sacred sites. We see attacks on oil facilities and military bases in Saudi Arabia. This is beyond a mere border issue. It is an overall threat to the security of the kingdom and the region,” Keskin said.
He stated that Houthis’ aggression toward the legitimate government in Yemen was also unacceptable for the wider region. “Even though attacks on Saudi Arabia may cease at one point, it is not realistic to expect the situation to calm down in the short run,” he stressed.
Keskin highlighted that the Mecca alliance openly demonstrated that it would take “active responsibility in defense of Saudi Arabia” through the message given in Riyadh during the meeting of foreign and defense ministers and military officials on Monday.
“At this stage, the alliance’s strategy toward the Houthis should be understood primarily in terms of deterrence and defense support. Looking at the statements, there is no promise or plan for a ground operation inside Yemen or a joint offensive. The focus is clear: defending the kingdom’s territory. But there is another side to this. If the deterrence messages are ignored, the Houthis will have to face a much tougher intervention. In other words, the door is not closed, but the sequence is clear,” he underlined.
“Ankara and Islamabad could concretely contribute in areas such as air defense systems, intelligence sharing, advisory support or limited air assets. Each of these would significantly raise the cost of Houthi attacks targeting Saudi cities, energy infrastructure and holy sites. It would also make any potential retaliation much more effective and destructive,” Keskin added.
“Pakistan already has a longstanding military presence in Saudi Arabia, and expanding that presence could be on the agenda. Perhaps even the establishment of a Turkish military base in the kingdom could come up in the months ahead. For now, on the Turkish side, the focus appears to be more on training and the integration of defense industry products,” he also said.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said last month that the defense alliance was “part of a shared effort to promote regional security and stability.”
In an interview with U.S. magazine Newsweek, Erdoğan has stressed that Türkiye’s broader diplomatic priority was to prevent existing conflicts from spreading and to keep channels for negotiations open.
“Conflicts directly affect the security, economy and stability of our region. At times like these, it is the shared responsibility of the international community to expand the space for diplomacy rather than narrow it,” said Erdoğan.
Keskin says that Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s emphasis on a measured stance after the meeting in Riyadh shows that deterrence and a diplomatic solution are “still being given a chance.”
In his first statement after the meeting, Fidan underlined that they discussed in detail “what could be done to resolve the issue (of the Yemen conflict) peacefully and through dialogue.” Fidan said the talks focused both on strengthening the institutional structure of the alliance and on possible steps that could be taken in response to the current situation involving Saudi Arabia and Yemen.
“Diplomacy remains on the table, but there is also very serious preparation on the ground,” Keskin pointed out.
He added that the positions of Türkiye and Pakistan could have a profound impact on the regional balance, both in terms of deterrence and operational capacity.
“For Türkiye, the issue has both symbolic and strategic significance: the security of an ally, the protection of Islam’s holy sites, and the security of the Turkish Ministry of National Education-affiliated school in Abha, its staff and Turkish citizens, with the city located approximately 100 kilometers from the Yemeni border. When these three factors come together, the possibility of Türkiye becoming directly involved in the process, if necessary, will also increase,” he said.
“The latest developments represent the alliance’s first serious test. Since the alliance was announced, the Houthis have effectively been testing it, and that test has now crossed the red line. Everyone is now watching how the alliance will respond to this challenge. If the necessary steps are not taken at this stage, it could undermine the alliance’s credibility in the years ahead. But if it demonstrates the right and resolute stance, the Mecca alliance will have taken a very important step toward becoming a genuine security architecture in the region,” Keskin concluded.
Türkiye and Hungary will hold the first meeting of their Joint Planning Group on Thursday as the two NATO allies seek to deepen cooperation in trade, defense, energy and regional security, according to Turkish diplomatic sources.
Hungarian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Anita Orban will visit Türkiye on Oct. 8 for talks with Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, with the newly established mechanism expected to provide a framework for coordinating the two countries’ expanding strategic partnership.
During the talks, Fidan is expected to underline the importance of a $10 billion (TL 491.95 billion) bilateral trade target as a key milestone for expanding economic ties and boosting mutual investment, according to the sources.
Bilateral trade reached approximately $5.1 billion in 2025. Turkish investments in Hungary currently total about $231 million, while Hungarian investments in Türkiye stand at about $35 million. Around 300 Turkish companies operate in Hungary, while nearly 100 Hungarian-capital companies are active in Türkiye.
Fidan is also expected to highlight cooperation in energy, transportation and connectivity and express Ankara’s interest in developing new joint projects.
Defense cooperation will feature prominently in the discussions, with Fidan expected to stress the importance of further developing military and defense industry ties between the two NATO allies based on shared interests and objectives.
The ministers are also expected to discuss Türkiye-European Union relations, including Ankara’s calls for the modernization of the customs union, progress in the visa liberalization dialogue and its long-running EU membership process.
The Turkish minister is expected to argue that Europe’s security cannot be considered separately from Türkiye’s capabilities and emphasize Ankara’s expectation of being effectively included in EU security and defense initiatives.
The talks are also expected to cover Hungary’s support for Türkiye’s EU accession process and Budapest’s engagement with the Organization of Turkic States, where Ankara views Hungary as playing an important role in strengthening interaction between Europe and the Turkic world.
Orban and Fidan are expected to exchange views on major regional and international developments, including the Russia-Ukraine war, Gaza and Palestine, the Balkans, Iran and developments surrounding the Strait of Hormuz.
Türkiye and Hungary established their High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council in 2013, elevating bilateral ties to a strategic partnership. Relations were upgraded to an “enhanced strategic partnership” during the council’s sixth meeting in Budapest in 2023.
The Joint Planning Group was established at the council’s seventh meeting in Istanbul on Dec. 8, 2025. Co-chaired by the two countries’ foreign ministers, the group is tasked with coordinating the implementation of decisions taken by the council and preparing future high-level meetings.
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli addressed his supporters at a parliamentary group meeting on Tuesday. Among other things, Bahçeli’s speech focused on the political future of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdoğan will be eligible to run for the presidency in the 2028 election, but this will require Parliament to approve the renewal of the election. Bahçeli pointed to this fact and threw his full support behind another term for Erdoğan.
“If our president finds it suitable and Parliament demonstrates its constitutional will, the People’s Alliance (of the MHP and Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party)) wants to have him as its candidate,” he said.
“Maintaining the momentum Türkiye has achieved will be possible if President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan runs for office once again and is elected president for a third term. The third term will coincide with many significant developments in Türkiye, the region and the world, and, above all, it will require the resolve and experience to navigate this challenging period. That experience lies with Erdoğan through the executive presidential system and the institutional structure of the People’s Alliance,” Bahçeli said.
It has been 12 years since Erdoğan became Türkiye’s first president elected directly by popular vote, a period that has seen the country overhaul its system of government and expand its diplomatic and defense footprint.
“At a time when the world is going through a chaotic period, amid an environment of uncertainty in our region and as historic steps are being taken toward a ‘terror-free Türkiye’ and a terror-free region, Türkiye needs to not change course or abandon its goals, but to fully maintain its existing capabilities and resources both systemically and institutionally,” Bahçeli said, referring to the process for the dissolution of the PKK terrorist group that the MHP leader spearheaded.
“Considering the responsibility our president has assumed to date, the leadership he has demonstrated and the strategic capacity he has brought to Türkiye, it would be in the interests of Türkiye and our region for him to serve another term as president. There is more than sufficient legal, political and social ground to make this possible,” Bahçeli stated.
Erdoğan’s chief adviser Mehmet Uçum, who also serves as deputy chair of the Presidency’s Legal Policies Board, clarified a debate over the date of the next elections last month. Uçum told journalists that the elections will most likely be held on April 16, 2028, the same date as a referendum held in 2017 on the switch to an executive presidential system. He also underlined that this would be the last election Erdoğan would be eligible to run in.
Uçum said the elections may be held on that date if Parliament approves the renewal of the elections, something that would require the support of 360 lawmakers. He said the possibility of an election in the last quarter of 2027 was “low” amid calls from the opposition for an early election.
Under Turkish law, an election would normally be held in May 2028. However, the Constitution allows Parliament to trigger an early election if such a move has the support of 360 of the Turkish Parliament’s 600 lawmakers, which would open the way for Erdoğan to seek another term. The People’s Alliance has 326 seats in total.
The government has repeatedly insisted that elections will be held on schedule. Erdoğan, who was elected prime minister in 2003, was elected president in 2014 after serving three terms as premier.
Bahçeli recalled Article 116 of the Constitution, which stipulates that, “If the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye decides to renew elections during the president’s second term, the president may run for office once more,” saying the provision allows for a third presidential candidacy if Parliament decides, by a qualified majority, to renew the elections.
“For President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to be able to run for office again, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye should, at an appropriate time and with the broadest possible consensus, decide to renew the elections. If the renewed elections are held in 2028 within the framework of Parliament’s decision, this will not undermine stability or predictability, and the system will have been operated in accordance with its spirit. With the emergence of such a political will, unnecessary debates will come to an end, uncertainties will disappear, economic confidence will increase, and our country will be able to continue full steam ahead on its path as it takes historic steps. The instability that Türkiye’s adversaries expect and hope for will not materialize, and the calculations of those who invest in uncertainty, chaos and turmoil will be thwarted.
“It should also be underlined here that our issue is not the political careers of individuals, but the continuity of the state, political stability and, ultimately, the construction and revitalization of a leading Türkiye,” Bahçeli said.
Emphasizing that the MHP views 2028 not merely as an election year but as the beginning of a period in which major reforms will be implemented in Türkiye, Bahçeli said efforts aimed at diverting attention from these goals should come to an end.
“Candidacy must be clarified, and the realities of the world must be confronted under conditions of ruthless competition. Alongside the president, the parliamentary majority must undoubtedly also belong to the People’s Alliance, while the Nationalist Movement Party must definitely increase its strength of representation in the legislature to ensure that the checks and balances mechanism functions more effectively. Because if the MHP is strong, Türkiye will be secure. If the MHP is strong, our national unity and fraternity will be strengthened, and our people will find peace,” he said.
Bahçeli said his party’s legislative objectives were clear.
“First is representational strength. Within this framework, our goal is to increase our vote share, raise the number of our lawmakers and become Türkiye’s leading party. Second is institutional strength. Within the institutional structure of the legislature, our goal is to assume more positions in its governing bodies and become more effective. Third is political strength. In this way, we aim to become more effective and decisive in legislative activities and policymaking, and to implement our party’s strategic objectives and economic and social policy priorities,” he said.
“Within this framework, I express the political formula for the next five-year period, which will witness Türkiye’s rise, as follows: Erdoğan in the executive, MHP in the legislature, the People’s Alliance in Türkiye, and the ‘Century of Türkiye’ in the world. This formula expresses our strategy that the legislature, like the executive, must be strong, while also being able to exercise oversight, produce policies and play a decisive role, as well as our determination to become a global power.”
Bahçeli, who traditionally wears a different ring at every parliamentary group speech, was seen wearing one featuring the crescent and star symbols of the Turkish flag and the immortal verses of Turkish folk singer Neşet Ertaş: “You have been my hidden, you are my outward, you have been my first, you are my last,” words derived from esoteric expressions linked to Islam.
Security forces on Wednesday launched two new operations in Istanbul and Izmir targeting municipal officials accused of corruption. They are the latest in a string of raids targeting municipalities across the country over the past two years.
In Istanbul’s Esenyurt district, one of the city’s most populated districts, police detained 17 suspects, including a deputy mayor. The suspects are accused of corruption in certain public tenders held by the municipality and taking bribes from contractors. Two other suspects in the case remain at large.
Along with Deputy Mayor Yusuf Ulutaş, former Deputy Mayor Ümit Ünal and the head of a municipal department were detained in the operation. Esenyurt municipality was run by the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), but Mayor Ahmet Özer was removed from office in 2024 after his arrest in an investigation into his alleged links to a terrorist group. Since then, the municipality has been run by a district governor appointed as a trustee.
In Çeşme, a popular tourism destination in the western province of Izmir, security forces detained 11 suspects in an operation targeting the local municipality. The suspects are accused of running a criminal ring and committing bribery and forgery of official documents. Among those detained was the acting head of the municipality’s construction and urban planning department.
Authorities said the operation was launched following a tip that a municipal employee was trying to destroy documents at the construction and urban planning department, apparently to cover up irregularities. Çeşme’s former Deputy Mayor O.G., a suspect in the case, was already jailed as part of another investigation.
Earlier investigations in other municipalities showed that construction and urban planning departments were heavily involved in corruption scandals, allegedly issuing construction and zoning permits in exchange for lavish gifts and cash from contractors and other businesspeople.
On Tuesday, the Interior Ministry announced that four mayors and an acting mayor had been suspended from office after being detained in corruption investigations.
Among them were Mithat Bülent Özmen, mayor of Istanbul’s Eyüpsultan district; Murat Güneş, acting mayor of Istanbul’s Ataşehir district; Abdullah Özyiğit, mayor of the Yenişehir district of the southern province of Mersin; and Ahmet Serkan Tuncer, mayor of Mersin’s Mezitli district.
Mersin Mayor Vahap Seçer, who was detained along with Tuncer and Özyiğit in a recent anti-corruption operation, was suspended both from his mayoral post and as chair of the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye.
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