Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the government’s ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), and one of the architects of the terror-free Türkiye initiative, was among the first politicians to sign the bill, which seeks to move the process to a new stage. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) presented the Law on Ensuring National Solidarity and Social Integrity to lawmakers across the political spectrum. Once enough signatures are collected, it will be submitted to the Office of the Speaker of Parliament before being brought before the General Assembly.

The bill, or “framework law” as it is known, is expected to be enacted once Parliament votes in its favor. That outcome is considered likely, as most parties support the initiative to permanently end the PKK terrorist group’s campaign of violence, which began in the 1980s.

Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş signed the draft law on strengthening national solidarity and social integration later on Tuesday.

The draft legislation follows the establishment of a parliamentary commission last year to oversee the initiative. For months, lawmakers from the parliamentary parties heard testimony from academics, victims of PKK terrorism and the families of PKK members before compiling recommendations that helped shape the bill. Parliament is expected to vote on the legislation on Sunday, according to media reports.

The exact contents of the bill have not yet been fully disclosed, but lawmakers behind it insist that it will not provide a blanket pardon for PKK members. The terrorist group’s imprisoned ringleader, Abdullah Öcalan, who is serving an aggravated life sentence at an island prison near Istanbul, will not benefit from any reduction in his sentence. Other members of the group who were not involved in acts of terrorism, however, are expected to benefit from reduced sentences, according to media reports. The law will be temporary and will only take effect once Turkish intelligence confirms that the PKK has genuinely laid down its arms.

The bill consists of approximately 15 articles and explicitly states that only members of the PKK and the KCK, an umbrella organization that includes the PKK, will be eligible to benefit from the legislation. The provision is intended to make clear that other organizations, particularly the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), are excluded from its scope.

Senior leaders of the terrorist group and individuals convicted of murder will also be excluded from the legislation. The number of people in this category is estimated at around 500. For other members of the organization who are in prison or have been convicted of offenses other than acts of terrorism, the government plans to introduce a system of phased sentence deferrals based on the length and nature of their prison terms.

The legislation will also establish a monitoring board to oversee the PKK’s dissolution and disarmament process. In addition, a parliamentary committee will be formed to monitor implementation and receive progress briefings every six months.

Last month, AK Party spokesperson Ömer Çelik said the initiative would not undermine the values of the nation, responding to criticism from some far-right groups that viewed the process as a concession to the PKK. Speaking at a news conference, Çelik said the initiative had now entered a new phase focused on establishing the necessary legal framework.

Çelik described the process as highly comprehensive, encompassing political, legal, intelligence and strategic dimensions.

“The determination demonstrated so far by the People’s Alliance, the work being carried out under the leadership of our Speaker of Parliament through the commission established in Parliament, the fact that this process is being implemented as a state policy under the instructions of our president, and Mr. Bahçeli’s statements, which strategically paved the way for this issue, have made this a highly dynamic period. Throughout this process, nothing has been done that would cast a shadow over the fundamental characteristics of our state or the values of our nation.

“As we have always said, the essential objective is to protect Türkiye’s core values and free our country from the burden of terrorism. Reaching this point is important. Now we have entered a more delicate stage. In a sense, the process is only just beginning. Establishing a legal framework is, of course, essential to achieving the goals of a terror-free Türkiye and a terror-free region, but the political atmosphere that has been created is equally important. What matters is whether it contributes positively to the social climate,” he said.

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Colonel Özlem Karapınar has become the first woman to attain the rank of general in the Turkish Air Force after being promoted to brigadier general under decisions approved by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at the Supreme Military Council (YAŞ).

Karapınar’s path to becoming the Turkish Air Force’s first female general began with a pivotal decision after high school. Although she had secured a place at Ege University’s Faculty of Medicine, she chose to join the Turkish Air Force Academy after receiving an invitation, pursuing a career in aviation instead.

She served as a staff officer in the Turkish Air Force for many years, holding assignments at various units and headquarters throughout her military career. Her promotion to brigadier general marks a historic milestone as she becomes the first woman to attain the rank of general in the Turkish Air Force.

YAŞ meeting was chaired by President Erdoğan and members of the council (Cabinet ministers and commanders of the Turkish army’s branches).

The tradition of high-level military councils in Türkiye dates back to the Ottoman era, with the first Supreme Military Council established in 1837 under Sultan Mahmud II. Initially tasked with drafting military regulations, resolving service-related issues and adapting Western military practices, the council underwent several reorganizations and periods of abolition during the late Ottoman era.

Following the founding of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, the modern Supreme Military Council was formally established in 1925. In its early years, it operated during peacetime, advising on military affairs and promotions, with the president serving as its ex officio chair.

Over the decades, its structure and leadership evolved, reflecting shifts in Türkiye’s political system and civil-military relations.

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From Europe to the Caucasus, from Africa to Latin America and from the Middle East to Asia-Pacific, Türkiye today boasts one of the world’s most extensive diplomatic networks. Rather than focusing on a single alliance or region, Ankara has developed a foreign policy that combines security, economic diplomacy, humanitarian engagement, mediation and expanding partnerships across multiple continents.

Ankara says its approach is based on building partnerships grounded in mutual respect, shared interests and sovereign equality, rather than zero-sum competition or dominance. This explainer explores how Türkiye engages with different regions, the historical roots of those relationships and the strategic priorities that continue to shape its diplomacy.

Backed by one of the world’s largest diplomatic networks, Türkiye describes its approach as multidimensional and proactive, seeking to protect its national interests while contributing to regional stability and a more inclusive international order.

From empire to republic

The foundations of Türkiye’s diplomacy date back to the Ottoman Empire, whose territory stretched across Europe, Asia and Africa, creating centuries-old political, commercial and cultural ties.

Following the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk introduced the principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world,” placing diplomacy, sovereignty and regional stability at the heart of foreign policy. While maintaining its traditional Western partnerships, Türkiye has gradually expanded its diplomatic outreach over recent decades, reflecting shifting geopolitical realities and new economic opportunities.

Europe: Türkiye’s enduring strategic anchor

Europe remains the cornerstone of Türkiye’s security and economic architecture despite occasional political disagreements. Since joining NATO in 1952, Türkiye has become one of the alliance’s largest military contributors, controlling its southeastern border and providing strategic access between Europe, the Black Sea and the Middle East. The country played a strategic role during migration crises in terms of strengthening border security and combating illegal migration.

The European Union remains Türkiye’s largest export market and trading partner through the Customs Union. Millions of Turkish citizens also live across Europe, creating extensive commercial, educational and cultural links that reinforce bilateral relations beyond government diplomacy.

Although accession negotiations have largely stalled, Ankara continues to advocate modernization of the Customs Union, expanded visa liberalization and closer cooperation on migration, energy security and counterterrorism. Türkiye also remains an active participant in the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and numerous European security mechanisms.

Rather than viewing Europe solely through the lens of EU membership, Turkish diplomacy increasingly frames the relationship as a multidimensional partnership encompassing trade, defense, energy, migration and regional stability.

The Black Sea: Balancing deterrence with dialogue

Few regions better illustrate Türkiye’s balancing diplomacy than the Black Sea.

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Ankara condemned it as a violation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity while maintaining open communication channels with Moscow. Rather than aligning exclusively with one side, Türkiye sought to preserve dialogue with both governments, allowing it to facilitate negotiations during periods when direct contacts had largely broken down.

One of Ankara’s most significant decisions came shortly after the war began, when it invoked the 1936 Montreux Convention to restrict the passage of additional warships through the straits, limiting military escalation in the Black Sea while applying the treaty equally to all belligerents.

Türkiye also played a central role in facilitating the Black Sea Grain Initiative, which helped ease concerns over global food security by enabling grain exports from Ukrainian ports. While the agreement eventually collapsed, it demonstrated Ankara’s growing role as a mediator capable of bringing competing actors to the negotiating table.

Today, the Black Sea remains central to Türkiye’s national security, energy strategy and broader diplomatic ambitions.

The Caucasus and Central Asia: Building a Turkic corridor

Türkiye’s partnership with Azerbaijan extends well beyond diplomatic cooperation, encompassing defense, energy, transportation and cultural ties. The relationship has become one of the defining strategic partnerships in Eurasia, particularly following Azerbaijan’s restoration of control over Karabakh.

Energy projects such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor have strengthened Türkiye’s role as a major energy transit hub linking Caspian resources with European markets.

Further east, Ankara has expanded engagement with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and other Turkic states through the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), which serves as a platform for economic integration, transportation coordination and cultural cooperation.

The Middle Corridor has emerged as one of Türkiye’s flagship initiatives, offering an alternative trade route connecting China and Central Asia with Europe through the Caspian Sea, the South Caucasus and Türkiye. As global supply chains diversify, Ankara sees the corridor as an opportunity to position itself as one of Eurasia’s principal logistics hubs.

The Middle East: Security, diplomacy and regional stability

Türkiye’s Middle East policy reflects the complex intersection of security, humanitarian concerns and regional diplomacy.

Türkiye remains resolute in securing its southern border against the terrorist PKK and its Syrian branch, the YPG. Driven by the Terror-Free Türkiye initiative, Ankara has intensified efforts to eliminate terrorism both within its borders and through coordinated regional mechanisms with Iraq and Syria. Central to this objective is closer security integration with neighboring governments. Iraq’s decision to officially ban the PKK marked a significant step toward institutionalizing joint counterterrorism cooperation with Türkiye. Ankara also continues to leverage military deterrence and diplomatic channels in Syria to safeguard regional stability and prevent any YPG/PKK resurgence.

Türkiye also views the Development Road Project connecting Iraq’s Grand Faw Port with Türkiye as a transformative initiative expected to enhance regional connectivity, trade and long-term economic integration amid regional tensions.

At the same time, Türkiye has become one of the world’s largest humanitarian donors in relation to the Syrian conflict while hosting millions of displaced Syrians for more than a decade. Turkish officials continue to advocate conditions that would enable voluntary, safe and dignified returns.

In recent years, Ankara has also pursued a broader normalization strategy across the Gulf. Relations with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have shifted from periods of political tension toward expanding economic cooperation, investment partnerships and defense collaboration.

On Gaza, Türkiye has consistently supported an immediate cease-fire, expanded humanitarian access and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, while remaining among the strongest international critics of Israel’s genocidal attacks. Working in close strategic alignment with Doha, Ankara has coordinated joint mediation efforts alongside Qatar and regional partners to enforce a lasting cease-fire, secure uninterrupted humanitarian relief, and advance diplomatic channels for a comprehensive regional peace settlement.

Africa: From humanitarian outreach to strategic partnership

Africa has become one of the fastest-growing pillars of Türkiye’s foreign policy over the past two decades.

Ankara has expanded from a relatively limited diplomatic footprint to one of the continent’s most extensive networks, opening dozens of new embassies and dramatically increasing high-level political engagement.

Turkish companies have become active across sectors including construction, energy, healthcare, transportation and infrastructure, while development projects coordinated through institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) have supported education, vocational training and public services.

Turkish Airlines has reinforced these ties by building one of the world’s most comprehensive African flight networks, facilitating trade, tourism and investment.

Defense cooperation has also accelerated, particularly through training programs, military agreements and exports of Turkish defense technologies, while Ankara has positioned itself as a mediator in regional disputes.

Somalia serves as the primary benchmark of this strategy, where Turkish engagement has expanded from vital humanitarian aid into a broad security, economic, and institutional partnership. Beyond constructing major infrastructure and managing strategic transportation hubs in Mogadishu, Ankara maintains its largest military training facility abroad in the country, while recently broadening cooperation to include maritime defense and offshore energy resource exploration.

Türkiye further reinforced its role as a regional mediator by facilitating the Ankara Declaration between Somalia and Ethiopia, helping defuse tensions and boost dialogue between the two Horn of Africa neighbors. The agreement underscored Ankara’s growing diplomatic influence in resolving regional disputes through negotiation rather than confrontation.

Latin America: Diversifying diplomatic horizons

Although geographically distant, Latin America has become an important focus of Türkiye’s diversification strategy.

Trade volumes have expanded steadily over the past two decades alongside growing diplomatic representation across the region. Turkish businesses have invested in sectors ranging from aviation to construction, while bilateral agreements have supported greater economic integration.

Soft power has complemented Türkiye’s traditional diplomacy. Turkish soap operas have attracted millions of viewers throughout Latin America, boosting tourism and strengthening public awareness of Türkiye.

Educational exchanges, humanitarian cooperation and expanding direct flight connections continue to reinforce Ankara’s long-term engagement with the region.

Asia-Pacific: Positioning for Asian century

Recognizing Asia’s growing economic weight, Türkiye launched its Asia Anew initiative to deepen engagement across one of the world’s most dynamic regions. Introduced in 2019, the Asia Anew initiative reflects Türkiye’s efforts to deepen political, economic and cultural ties with the region while responding to Asia’s growing role in the global economy. The initiative promotes stronger cooperation in areas ranging from trade and investment to technology, education and connectivity.

Relations with China encompass trade, infrastructure and investment, while partnerships with Japan and South Korea have expanded in technology, manufacturing, disaster resilience and industrial cooperation.

Türkiye has also strengthened engagement with ASEAN, viewing Southeast Asia as an important market and investment destination. As an ASEAN Sectoral Dialogue Partner, Türkiye has expanded institutional engagement with the bloc, promoting cooperation in areas including trade, connectivity, disaster management and sustainable development.

Through initiatives such as the Middle Corridor and growing logistics investments, Ankara aims to integrate more closely into emerging Eurasian supply chains while positioning itself as a gateway between Asian production centers and European consumers.

North America: Strategic cooperation amid differences

Relations with the United States combine deep strategic cooperation with recurring policy disagreements.

Ankara and Washington continue to maintain institutional dialogue through high-level diplomatic and military channels. Turkish officials have repeatedly emphasized the importance of resolving disagreements through constructive engagement while preserving the strategic value of the bilateral alliance.

Türkiye continues to contribute to NATO’s collective deterrence and participates in allied missions, while discussions on defense modernization and industrial cooperation remain on the bilateral agenda. Ankara also advocates greater collaboration in emerging fields such as cybersecurity, defense innovation and advanced technologies.

Defense cooperation has gained renewed momentum under President Donald Trump’s administration, with both governments signaling a willingness to deepen defense ties, including efforts aimed at restoring Türkiye’s participation in the F-35 fighter jet program.

Economic relations have become an increasingly resilient component of Türkiye-U.S. ties. Bilateral trade has expanded in recent years, supported by growing investment in sectors including manufacturing, energy, technology and aviation. Both governments have expressed support for further increasing trade volumes and encouraging private-sector partnerships.

Relations with Canada have likewise broadened beyond traditional security cooperation. Alongside close coordination within NATO, the two countries continue to strengthen ties through academic exchanges, scientific research, clean energy initiatives and commercial partnerships, while maintaining dialogue on regional and global security issues. Ottawa and Ankara formally launched negotiations for ⁠a ⁠free trade agreement (FTA) in July, following discussions by Canadian ⁠and Turkish ‌trade ‌ministers. The beginning of free trade agreement negotiations marks a new phase in Türkiye-Canada economic relations, with both countries seeking to expand trade, investment and business opportunities.

In an increasingly multipolar world, Türkiye continues to pursue a foreign policy based on strategic autonomy, active diplomacy and diversified partnerships. By maintaining strong ties across different regions, Ankara aims to advance its national interests while contributing to peace, stability and economic cooperation.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday chaired the Supreme Military Council (YAŞ), which approved the promotion and retirement of senior military officers at its annual meeting. Erdoğan and members of the council (Cabinet ministers and commanders of the Turkish army’s branches) visited Anıtkabir, the mausoleum of the Republic of Türkiye’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, before the meeting, paying their respects to the man who led the War of Independence.

Twenty-five generals and admirals, along with 69 colonels, were promoted. Ziya Cemal Kadıoğlu, commander of the Turkish Air Force, retired. He was succeeded by Gen. Rafet Dalkıran, commander of the Combat Air Force Command. The commanders of the other top posts in the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) remained in their positions, with their terms extended. Alper Gezeravcı, an Air Force colonel who became Türkiye’s first astronaut in 2024, was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.

The tradition of high-level military councils in Türkiye dates back to the Ottoman era, with the first Supreme Military Council established in 1837 under Sultan Mahmud II. Initially tasked with drafting military regulations, resolving service-related issues and adapting Western military practices, the council underwent several reorganizations and periods of abolition during the late Ottoman era.

Following the founding of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, the modern Supreme Military Council was formally established in 1925. In its early years, it operated during peacetime, advising on military affairs and promotions, with the president serving as its ex officio chair.

Over the decades, its structure and leadership evolved, reflecting shifts in Türkiye’s political system and civil-military relations.

During the multiparty era that followed 1946, the prime minister assumed the chairmanship, and the council’s membership was expanded to include senior commanders and selected ministers. The council’s mandate became more formalized in 1972 under Law No. 1612, focusing on promotions, retirements and strategic planning.

The council’s authority and composition changed significantly following major political developments, including the 1980 military coup and, more recently, the Gülenist Terror Group’s (FETÖ) failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016.

The reforms introduced after 2016 expanded civilian oversight and aligned the council’s procedures with Türkiye’s transition to a presidential system in 2018, making the president its chair and broadening ministerial participation.

Today, the Supreme Military Council meets annually to decide on promotions, retirements and extensions of service for senior officers. While its core mission remains the management of senior military personnel, the council also serves as a symbolic and strategic forum reflecting the balance between civilian authority and military leadership in modern Türkiye.

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The unprecedented surge of migrants from Morocco to the Spanish territory of Ceuta last week prompted Europe to consider suspending the Schengen Agreement with Spain. The issue, which some suspect involved Israeli influence, has been viewed by Europe as a test of border security and territorial control rather than a humanitarian tragedy. Europe’s approach stands in sharp contrast to Türkiye’s response to humanitarian crises, both in its own region and around the world.

Türkiye acts under the principle that “A fairer world is possible,” articulated by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and reaches out to disadvantaged communities in need around the world without discrimination. Whether in Syria, Palestine, among the Rohingya Muslims, or in Somalia, Türkiye’s aid destinations have varied, but its commitment to humanitarian assistance has remained constant. Unlike many European countries, Türkiye has not turned away those seeking refuge at its borders and has also responded to humanitarian crises in distant regions.

For instance, since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Türkiye has hosted more than 2 million Syrian refugees fleeing atrocities committed by the now-defunct Assad regime. At the same time, it called for a fair sharing of responsibility and burden as Syrian migrants reached European borders in pursuit of a better life. Even as Europe was slow to help Türkiye address the needs of refugees, Türkiye continued to welcome them and still provides refuge to Syrian nationals, two years after the Baathist regime collapsed in its southern neighbor.

Elsewhere, Türkiye has hosted Palestinians injured in Israeli attacks in the Gaza Strip, providing them with medical treatment.

Supporting a lasting and just peace to end the Russia-Ukraine war, Türkiye has assumed the role of mediator and facilitator while also taking in hundreds of Ukrainian children who lost their families in the war under the “Childhood Without War Project,” supported by first lady Emine Erdoğan.

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Ilkay Çiçek, the mayor of Menderes district in the western city of Izmir from the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), was among 13 suspects detained on Tuesday on charges of bribery, corruption, abuse of office and forgery of official documents.

The Chief Prosecutor’s Office in Türkiye’s third-largest city announced that the detentions were part of an investigation into allegations that municipal officials accepted bribes in exchange for building and zoning permits.

Security forces launched operations in Izmir’s Menderes, Karabağlar and Konak districts to apprehend 16 wanted suspects. Three other suspects, including Menderes’ deputy mayor, a municipal assembly member and a former municipal bureaucrat, remain at large.

Çiçek was elected mayor of the small Aegean coastal district in the 2024 municipal elections, replacing another CHP mayor in a district that has been a stronghold of the opposition party for years.

Dozens of CHP mayors have been the subject of criminal investigations, and many have been detained or arrested on corruption charges, along with a sizeable number of municipal bureaucrats. The alleged web of corruption, as the CHP’s rivals describe it, often involves accusations that mayors and municipal staff accepted bribes in exchange for granting permits that otherwise would not have been approved and awarding lucrative municipal tenders to businesses with ties to municipal officials or those that paid bribes to mayors and bureaucrats.

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