Politics
Türkiye cracks down on tentacles of corruption octopus with new ops
A fifth wave of operations centered on Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) and municipalities run by the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) led to the detention of 34 people as of Sunday. Authorities have launched anti-corruption operations on Saturday and raided 47 locations. Seven suspects remain at large.
CHP-run municipalities are accused of taking bribes and irregularities in public tenders. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has recently described operations and allegations as “tentacles of an octopus” stretching across many administrative bodies running the municipalities.
Although CHP-run municipalities were already under investigation and several mayors were detained for corruption last year, IBB has been under the spotlight as its high-profile mayor was arrested in March on graft charges. Digging deeper into an alleged criminal network run by former Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu and expanding another investigation linked to a businessman who was awarded a lucrative contract by district municipalities, investigators launched Saturday’s operations against municipality officials, mayors and a former CHP lawmaker. Operations are the culmination of four separate investigations and are mainly based on the confessions of Aziz Ihsan Aktaş, a businessman identified as the head of a criminal network active in municipalities. Aktaş’s confessions unveiled the scale of corruption at IBB, the municipality of Beşiktaş, whose mayor was detained last year, and at Büyükçekmece Municipality, whose mayor, Hasan Akgün, was detained on Saturday. The investigation also extended to Adana, a southern province; the mayors of Adana’s Seyhan and Ceyhan municipalities were also detained.
Among other prominent names in the case are Aykut Erdoğdu, a former lawmaker for CHP, the party’s assembly member Baki Aydöner, mayors of Istanbul’s Avcılar and Gaziosmanpaşa districts, and the head of ISFALT, an asphalt production subsidiary of IBB.
Media outlets reported on Sunday that a search of premises owned by some suspects led to the discovery of a large cache of dollars and gold, including a search of the residences of Akgün and his son-in-law.
The Sabah newspaper reported that Aktaş appealed to authorities on April 30 to benefit from leniency in sentencing in exchange for collaboration with authorities. Aktaş, who was arrested on Jan. 17, detailed how municipalities that awarded contracts to his companies enriched themselves in the process. He confessed that he paid bribes to mayors and deputy mayors to win tenders and, in some cases, had to buy properties or vehicles belonging to those people at prices far higher than their real value, instead of paying them bribes in cash, in order to avoid detection. Aktaş said he was also forced to make additional payments and donate vehicles to mayoral candidates of the CHP before the 2024 municipal polls, to be used in their election campaigns. He said he also paid bribes to numerous municipal officials for the acquisition of a valuable plot of land in the district of Gaziosmanpaşa.
Waves of corruption
The CHP has claimed that anti-graft operations against municipalities were politically motivated, but officials deny it and point to the independence of the judiciary, which carries out the operations. In the first wave of 2025 operations against municipalities, Imamoğlu and 105 others were detained on March 19 and remain incarcerated in pretrial detention. Looking to earn popularity for Imamoğlu, the CHP has declared him its presidential candidate for the upcoming elections, although annulment of his university diploma days before his detention over irregularities made the former mayor ineligible to run for top office.
In the second wave of operations on April 25, 50 people were detained, including the head of IBB’s water utility and other top municipal officials. On May 22, authorities ordered the detention of 22 suspects in an investigation into irregular public tenders by IBB’s media and culture subsidiaries. Two days later, seven more people were detained and subsequently arrested over corruption in tenders by another IBB subsidiary. Investigation expanded on May 23 and led to the detention of 44 people working at IBB’s other subsidiaries and people associated with them.
According to Sabah’s report, authorities also investigated the 2019 celebrations for Republic Day organized by the Beşiktaş municipality. Four municipal officials, including the current deputy mayors of Avcılar and Büyükçekmece, are accused of conspiring to commit corruption by awarding the contract for organizing the celebrations to a front company and squandering public resources in the process.
The report says recent detentions include two owners of a company that was awarded a lucrative contract by IBB. CHP’s deputy chair, Özgür Karabat, serves as financial consultant for the company, which earned more than TL 19 billion in tenders in the past five years.
According to the Sabah report, former lawmaker Erdoğdu is accused of acting as an intermediary for bribe takers and companies paying bribes. The report says Erdoğdu oversaw the payment of bribes to an IBB subsidiary.
In a speech last week, President Erdoğan hit out at CHP for defending Imamoğlu and others detained on corruption charges.
“If you don’t work for the nation, you are either a ‘rantçı’ (profiteer) or a ‘bantçı’ (someone who uses tape to conceal something),” to the applause of the audience. “Bantçı” in this case refers to a bodyguard of Imamoğlu who was captured in footage as he put tape on security cameras before Imamoğlu’s secretive meeting at a hotel with fellow bureaucrats of IBB. Media outlets reported that the footage emerged in the investigation into the former mayor’s alleged wrongdoings, raising suspicions about the nature of the meeting, which was followed and preceded by more at the same hotel. Some reports claimed that the meeting and others were the venue of discussions on how to share illegal profits Imamoğlu and others gained through graft, from rigging public tenders to bribery in exchange for building permits.
“You see what happened to profiteers, you see what state they drove Istanbul into. We witnessed how they terrorized the squares. They do not tolerate anyone other than themselves. They try to bully anyone who disagrees with them, they attack anyone who does not side with thieves,” Erdoğan said. The CHP held pro-Imamoğlu rallies, claiming the innocence of the mayor, after Imamoğlu’s arrest in March. Rallies in Istanbul and other cities escalated into violent riots. The CHP supporters also launched social media campaigns against celebrities not endorsing the rallies, while the party’s leader, Özgür Özel, called for a boycott of companies he accused of serving the government’s interests, as well as against broadcasters not broadcasting the rallies live.
The president stated that they witnessed a new act of corruption surfacing “almost every day” in the investigation into what he called a criminal organization. “You see how they looted Istanbul’s resources. (The authorities) reveal tentacles of an octopus extending from Istanbul to other cities, to abroad. Their own friends confess how they extorted money and received bribes,” Erdoğan said.
Ertan Yıldız, a top IBB bureaucrat, has also recently collaborated with authorities and unveiled a scheme of tender rigging and bribes organized by Imamoğlu and his associates at the municipality.
“Their former partners in crime speak about cash carried by suitcases, about a mob order established in Istanbul. But the CHP has no shame. They are supposed to apologize to the people of Istanbul they betrayed, but instead, they threaten judges and prosecutors and journalists,” Erdoğan said, referring to past remarks by Özel and other top names of the CHP who threatened judiciary members with being tried in the future for the investigation into Imamoğlu’s alleged wrongdoings.
“Their friends who confess are accused of defaming (the detained municipal officials). Özgür Özel is acting like a messenger for a criminal organization, not as a main opposition leader. It is worrying. It is worrying to see this sorry state the CHP was pushed to,” Erdoğan said.
“You can’t remove this stain of corruption. You can’t escape being held accountable. The Turkish judiciary’s job is to stop hands from stealing from public funds. We will not turn a blind eye to this banditry. Nor will we leave our Istanbul to its fate,” Erdoğan added.
Activists and civil society groups in Türkiye announced Wednesday they will support the Global Resolve Flotilla, a multinational effort preparing to sail for the Gaza Strip in a bid to break Israel’s blockade, which has worsened humanitarian conditions in the enclave.
The flotilla, which will set sail from Spain on Aug. 31 and from Tunisia on Sept. 4, aims to deliver humanitarian aid directly to Gaza, raise global awareness of the Palestinian plight and spotlight what organizers call Israel’s “systematic genocide.”
At a news conference hosted by the Ummah Movement Association, Turkish delegation spokesperson Hüseyin Durmaz said that the initiative unites more than 40 countries from Europe, Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Arab world.
“Preparations are underway for volunteers and activists from diverse backgrounds to join this mission from Türkiye,” Durmaz said. “This is not limited to local efforts; it has become a global solidarity movement with support pouring in from around the world.”
The civilian-led mission will carry food packages, baby formula, medical supplies and other essential goods. Organizers say the effort is entirely peaceful and non-violent. More than 6,000 activists from 44 countries have already registered online to participate in the event.
Durmaz stressed that the flotilla’s multinational composition underscores its independence and grassroots nature.
“This is a concrete step toward sustaining the momentum of global movements, effectively challenging the blockade on Gaza and strengthening solidarity among peoples,” he said.
Israel’s blockade of Gaza, imposed since 2007, has been condemned by Türkiye and many in the international community as a form of collective punishment. The restrictions have severely limited humanitarian access, contributing to widespread shortages and famine-like conditions in the besieged Palestinian territory.
The Global Resolve Flotilla is the latest in a series of international maritime missions challenging the blockade, echoing previous attempts that drew global attention to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
It follows days after Israeli naval forces intercepted the Handala aid ship on July 26 as it neared Gaza, escorting it to Ashdod Port.
Rejecting repeated calls for a cease-fire, Israel has continued its military assault on Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023, killing nearly 61,000 Palestinians, almost half of them women and children and devastating the enclave’s infrastructure.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) in November issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
“This is a renewed attempt to pressure governments by sending dozens of ships and thousands of activists to break Gaza’s blockade,” said organizer Seif Abu Keshk at a news conference in Tunis, noting that participants will undergo training and solidarity events at departure points before setting sail.
Sarp Yalçınkaya, a businessman with close ties to municipal bureaucrats and individuals doing business with the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB), disclosed a corruption ring allegedly run by the city’s former mayor, Ekrem Imamoğlu. Yalçınkaya, who invoked a remorse law in exchange for collaborating with authorities, told investigators that the ring collected bribes in a “fund” and Imamoğlu received half of the cash in the fund.
Yalçınkaya stated that the cash collected in the fund was transferred to London aboard private jets and delivered to addresses provided by Imamoğlu, according to a report by the Sabah newspaper.
Imamoğlu and dozens of other suspects, including bureaucrats of IBB and businesspeople, were detained last March in a major graft probe. More operations followed and Yalçınkaya was arrested in the fourth wave of operations against the corruption network at the municipality. Following his arrest, Yalçınkaya said in his initial testimony that Imamoğlu created the fund to take over the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) first and then, for a presidential campaign. The CHP recently nominated Imamoğlu as its future presidential candidate as it pressed on for an early election. Yalçınkaya has claimed that he heard Imamoğlu saying they needed $2 billion (TL 81.34 billion) for the fund.
In his second statement to the investigators, Yalçınkaya explained how people doing business with IBB accumulated wealth thanks to the corruption ring. One of them is Murat Gülibrahimoğlu, a fugitive suspect in the case. Yalçınkaya said Gülibrahimoğlu was a bankrupt businessman when he first met him in 2018, and he became increasingly wealthy after Imamoğlu won his first term as Istanbul mayor in 2019. He said Gülibrahimoğlu was awarded all tenders for excavation works in the city by Imamoğlu and had close ties to Tuncay Yılmaz, manager of Imamoğlu’s construction company and Fatih Keleş, a top IBB bureaucrat. “They often met to discuss bribes they would receive from contractors in exchange for building permits and other permits issued by the municipality. At times, they would extort money by threatening businesspeople by scrapping their permits, though these people complied with all municipal regulations,” he said.
Yalçınkaya said Gülibrahimoğlu was at the heart of the corruption ring, and he rushed to transfer all the cash collected by the ring abroad when the suspects found out a corruption investigation was imminent. “Gülibrahimoğlu also traveled abroad with his private jet in 2022 with Tuncay Yılmaz and Hüseyin Köksal (who was awarded the advertising tender of IBB), and when I asked him the purpose of their visit, he told me that they were carrying cash. He made more trips abroad between 2022 and 2025 and often with IBB officials,” he said.
He said Gülibrahimoğlu told him that all the cash accumulated from bribes and tenders was taken abroad, usually to London. “He told me that half of the cash was transferred to a fund set up for a future presidential campaign, and the other half was allocated to Imamoğlu himself. He also told me that people organizing the transfers were paid 20% of the accumulated cash in exchange for their work.”
“Gülibrahimoğlu told me about a cryptocurrency company they founded and how they transferred cash abroad through cold wallets. He explained that money was being transferred overseas through currency exchange offices with commissions of nearly 1%. Some of the bribes and kickbacks from zoning and licensing were given to these currency exchange offices and then collected back from foreign exchange offices abroad. Additionally, a portion of the funds from permits and zoning fees was transferred abroad via cryptocurrency companies using cold wallets. I heard these details from conversations between Gülibrahimoğlu and Fatih Keleş. Gülibrahimoğlu is well aware of which currency exchange offices collected the money and through which cryptocurrency companies the transfers were made,” he said.
Yalçınkaya told investigators that cash transfers aboard private jets were disguised as gift packages. “Gülibrahimoğlu said each flight carried at least $10 million. I witnessed suitcases full of cash being loaded onto the jet. Bribe money collected from contractors and people fraudulently awarded permits in Istanbul was disguised as earnings from excavation and dumping work, laundered and packaged as gift parcels, and delivered to the addresses Imamoğlu provided abroad. Some of the money is also held in stock markets, cryptocurrency markets and currency exchange offices,” he said. “Some studio apartments across Istanbul are being used as cash storage locations. Murat knows their locations. To avoid the traceability of bribe-tied properties, title deeds are sometimes registered under the names of drivers, relatives, or close associates.”
“A portion of the collected bribes is used to fund the party and municipal expenses. Political rallies are sponsored with collected funds. Maintenance of (CHP’s) main building and district offices, hospitality expenses are all paid from this fund. Social media sponsorships, undisclosed payments to TV channels, numerous media companies and internet portals were also funded through this source. Part of these bribes was used to finance the construction of the CHP building in Istanbul,” Yalçınkaya said.
He added that the primary goal of the fund was to secure control of the CHP and referred to allegations of vote buying during the election of the party’s current chair, Özgür Özel, in November 2023. A separate lawsuit is underway about that election, and testimonies from several former CHP delegates claim that Imamoğlu and people close to Özel offered cash and other benefits to delegates in exchange for their votes to oust Özel’s predecessor, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Yalçınkaya said Imamoğlu and his associates knew that they would need money to buy more votes if the election was to be annulled due to the lawsuit and sought to collect more bribes. “Fatih Keleş was worried when the investigation was launched into (Özel’s election). He told me that they were under too much pressure and had to pay more ‘to support media and columnists’ on their payroll.”
An earlier report by the Sabah newspaper says that Rıza Akpolat, a former mayor of Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district for the CHP who was arrested on corruption charges in January, funded journalists supportive of the CHP. A municipality staff member handed over to prosecutors a list of journalists and others who had been paid a budget of TL 56 million, which Akpolat had accumulated through bribes. The list of journalists allegedly funded by Akpolat includes prominent journalists with direct and indirect links to the CHP, such as Nevşin Mengü, Altan Sancar, Ali Haydar Fırat and Ismail Küçükkaya, as well as pro-CHP TV stations Halk TV and Tele 1. Similar allegations of journalists funded by CHP-run municipalities emerged earlier. Witnesses in the case against Imamoğlu have previously told investigators that Imamoğlu’s close associate, Murat Ongun, personally paid cash to some journalists in secret meetings at parking lots, in exchange for pro-Imamoğlu propaganda. The party’s former chairperson, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, in the past, implied that some journalists were funded by Imamoğlu, fueling a debate among journalists who accused each other on social media of receiving payments from municipalities.
Doubling down on the terrorist group’s separatist ambitions, YPG leader Ferhat Abdi Şahin has renewed his calls for a decentralized Syria and the removal of “Arab” from the country’s official name.
In an interview with the Istanbul-based Yeni Yaşam newspaper, Şahin argued that the “Syrian Arab Republic” title, in use since 1961, “does not reflect the reality” of the multiethnic nation and should have the word “Arab” removed.
“Syria does not belong only to Arabs. Such radical changes must be made in Syria,” he said.
“(Syria) cannot be centralized and totalitarian like it was during the Baath regime. It must be a decentralized Syria. All provinces in Syria must be able to govern themselves through local governments,” Şahin claimed.
Just last week, Şahin told local media the YPG “defends the slogan ‘one army, one government, one state,’” echoing Damascus’ calls for full national unity.
The shift in tone comes as the group continues to negotiate with Syria’s interim government over the implementation of a March 10 agreement recognizing Damascus’ sovereignty.
Under the deal, signed by Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa, the YPG pledged to recognize Damascus’ sovereignty and transfer airports, oil fields and border crossings under its control to the central government by the end of the year.
However, the agreement stops short of outlining how the YPG’s armed wing, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), will be integrated into Syria’s army, a key sticking point. Damascus insists fighters join individually, while the YPG demands entry as a bloc, an issue that threatens to stall the process.
The YPG is the Syrian offshoot of the PKK, which has waged a decadeslong terror campaign in Türkiye and is designated a terrorist group by the United States, the European Union and Türkiye.
With U.S. support under the pretext of fighting Daesh, the YPG seized large swaths of northern and eastern Syria during the civil war. Turkish cross-border operations have since reduced its territorial grip, but it still holds key oil, water and agricultural resources in the northeast.
Washington has recently acknowledged the group’s ties to the PKK, with Tom Barrack, U.S. ambassador to Ankara and special representative for Syria, claiming the U.S. has no obligation to support “the formation of an independent state by the so-called SDF.”
Last month, Barrack also dismissed federalism as a workable model in Syria.
“The problem is that in all these countries (Iraq and Syria), federalism does not work and that a state within a state cannot be established,” Barrack said.
The U.S. envoy has urged Damascus to maintain “one homeland, one nation, one army, one government,” accusing the YPG of being reluctant to fully commit to national unity.
Şahin, however, claimed that a decentralized structure is essential for stability.
“(Barrack) understands that Syria cannot be governed by one person … I hope he has concluded that a decentralized Syria is necessary,” Şahin said.
The YPG’s push for decentralization and symbolic changes, such as altering the country’s name, is widely seen by Türkiye as part of a broader effort to entrench separatist control in Syria’s north.
Ankara has long opposed the YPG’s presence along its border, warning it will “intervene” if the group does not comply with the March 10 deal and disarm as the PKK did.
As part of the landmark terror-free Türkiye initiative, the PKK announced in May it would disband and renounce armed conflict, ending four decades of violence.
Abdurrahman Tutdere, the mayor of the southeastern province of Adıyaman, who was detained last month on corruption charges, was reinstated to his post, the Interior Ministry announced on Tuesday.
Tutdere was suspended from office on July 10 after he was ordered into house arrest following a corruption investigation.
The same investigation has led to detentions of Antalya Mayor Muhittin Böcek and Adana Mayor Zeydan Karalar. All three men are from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), which is entangled with a series of corruption probes. The CHP’s Istanbul mayor, Ekrem Imamoğlu, was arrested in March on graft charges.
The CHP is under mounting scrutiny as a wave of corruption, bribery and terrorism-related investigations sweeps across its municipalities.
Since late 2024, more than 500 people, including some 15 sitting mayors, have been detained in police operations. Over 200 have been formally arrested, while dozens benefited from the legal provision of “effective remorse” in exchange for cooperation with prosecutors.
Authorities say more than 10 major investigations are underway into municipalities controlled by the main opposition CHP, covering allegations from large-scale tender rigging and bribery to financing terrorist organizations.
The most extensive probe targets the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB). Prosecutors allege a network, headed by senior municipal officials, that rigged numerous public contracts. Imamoğlu and his aides deny all charges.
Linked to these allegations is the case of businessperson Aziz Ihsan Aktaş, accused of heading a criminal network that allegedly bribed mayors and senior officials to secure lucrative tenders. Aktaş, initially arrested, was later released after cooperating with authorities under “adequate remorse” provisions.
Two separate investigations in Istanbul focus on alleged links between CHP district municipalities and the PKK terrorist organization. Police operations earlier this year targeted nine CHP-run districts, leading to the arrests of deputy mayors and council members. Prosecutors claim certain local initiatives were used to bolster PKK influence in major cities.
In another high-profile case, dismissed Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer faces trial on charges of PKK membership, while former Sarıyer Mayor Şükrü Genç is accused of financing the DHKP-C terrorist group through municipal channels.
The corruption allegations extend far beyond Türkiye’s largest city, though several of the most prominent cases are centered in Istanbul.
In Istanbul’s European districts, Beşiktaş and Büyükçekmece, officials are accused of bribery, irregular contracting and abuse of office. In the Anatolian districts of Beykoz and Şile, the mayors were arrested on charges of tender rigging, extortion and involvement in organized crime, while Kartal’s mayor and several municipal officials allegedly rented out public properties in violation of the law.
In western Izmir province, the CHP municipality is facing two separate probes: one targeting irregularities in construction projects and another focusing on corruption in a municipal subsidiary, which has already led to the arrest of former Mayor Tunç Soyer.
Türkiye’s newly formed National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission, led by Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş, adopted its working procedures and principles Tuesday in its first session at the Turkish Parliament.
During the opening session, representatives of political parties with and without parliamentary groups shared views on the commission’s significance and the process ahead.
The commission unanimously approved its working procedures and principles in the first meeting, adopting the official name National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission.
Its next meeting will take place Aug. 8 at 2 p.m. in the Turkish Parliament’s Ceremony Hall, with Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya, Defense Minister Yaşar Güler and National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Director Ibrahim Kalın invited to brief the body on their institutions’ work and current developments.
The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) President Ersin Tatar reiterated on Tuesday the need for a two-state solution to the Cyprus question, arguing that the Greek Cypriot side has shown “no intention” of achieving a solution.
Tatar reiterated his stance as he received Colin Stewart, the U.N. secretary-general’s Cyprus envoy and head of the U.N. Peacekeeping Force, for a farewell visit as Stewart is stepping down on Saturday.
After the meeting, Tatar thanked Stewart for his service, saying that he had always maintained an open and transparent stance.
In his statement, Tatar referred to the U.N. Security Council’s inclination toward a “two-zone, two-community” federation on the island, saying that no solution had been found in the negotiations held so far and that the Greek Cypriot side has shown no intention of reaching a solution.
“We insist on a two-state solution on Cyprus. The TRNC is a sovereign state in every sense of the word. The decision taken by the U.N. Security Council on Cyprus is outdated and has lost its validity. The region has changed, the status has changed, the Eastern Mediterranean has changed and Türkiye has reached a completely different point,” said Tatar.
Stewart’s farewell
Stewart, whose term as special representative began in 2021 and will end on Saturday, thanked Tatar for having good, productive meetings over the years.
“I know that he deeply cares about Turkish Cypriots and looks after their interests, and he always tried to be constructive about this,” he said.
The island has been split between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities since 1974, when a Greek Cypriot coup aimed at Greece’s annexation of the island led to Türkiye’s military intervention as a guarantor power to protect Turkish Cypriots from persecution and violence. As a result, the TRNC was founded in 1983.
Greek Cypriots control the southern part of the island and are recognized by the international community as a state, despite protests from Turkish Cypriots and Türkiye. The TRNC is located in the northern part of the island and is recognized only by Türkiye.
It has seen an on-and-off peace process in recent years, including a failed 2017 initiative in Switzerland under the auspices of guarantor countries Türkiye, Greece and the U.K.
The Greek Cypriot administration entered the EU in 2004, the same year that Greek Cypriots single-handedly blocked a U.N. plan to end the longstanding dispute.
More recently, informal U.N.-led meetings have continued, including one in Geneva in March at the request of Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. That meeting focused on practical cooperation in areas such as crossing points, demining and environmental protection. While progress was made on some issues, others stalled due to the stance of the Greek Cypriot side.
To help advance the process, Maria Angela Holguin Cuellar, the U.N. secretary-general’s personal envoy on Cyprus, was reappointed in May and has since conducted multiple visits and consultations with leaders and officials on the island, Türkiye, Greece, the U.K. and the EU. Despite her efforts, core political disagreements remain unresolved.
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