Relations between historic rivals Türkiye and Greece rarely move in a straight line. Periods of cautious rapprochement are often followed by renewed friction, and in recent weeks that familiar pattern has reappeared, this time spanning everything from naval posture in the Aegean to arguments over soup.

The most serious fault line remains the Aegean Sea, where geography and history collide in a dense patchwork of islands, airspace claims and unresolved legal interpretations.

Ankara has stepped up its criticism of Greece’s military presence on islands whose status is governed by the Treaty of Lausanne and the Treaty of Paris. Turkish officials argue that recent deployments and infrastructure upgrades on some eastern Aegean islands breach provisions requiring their demilitarized status, warning against what they describe as attempts to create irreversible “facts on the ground.”

The language has sharpened. Statements from Türkiye’s Foreign and Defense Ministries in recent months have framed the issue not merely as a legal dispute but as one with direct implications for regional stability and alliance cohesion within NATO.

Athens, for its part, has shown little inclination to yield. Greek officials have consistently justified their posture as defensive, pointing to what they see as a broader security environment shaped by competing maritime claims and unresolved tensions in both the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has publicly linked these disputes to wider questions of sovereignty and resource rights, reinforcing Greece’s view that its actions are both lawful and necessary.

The disagreement is not confined to rhetoric. It has been accompanied by a steady rhythm of signaling, naval movements, air patrols and competing navigation notices, that, while calibrated, underline how quickly miscalculation could become a risk.

Overlaying the territorial disputes is a second, equally persistent source of tension: migration.

Greece’s role as a gateway to the European Union has placed it on the front line of migratory flows from the Middle East and beyond, many of which transit through Türkiye. Allegations that Greek authorities have carried out so-called pushbacks, forcibly returning migrants without processing asylum claims, have drawn scrutiny from Brussels, most recently after reporting by the BBC.

The European Commission has urged Athens to investigate the claims, while Greek officials have rejected accusations of illegality, emphasizing the country’s responsibility to secure the EU’s external borders. For Ankara, the issue has become another point of contention in an already crowded agenda, feeding into a broader narrative of uneven burden-sharing and contested responsibility.

Even so, the relationship is not defined solely by confrontation. The aftermath of Türkiye’s devastating earthquakes in 2023 briefly revived a familiar form of “disaster diplomacy,” with Greece among the first to offer assistance. The gesture helped lower the temperature, if only temporarily.

More recent events suggest how fragile that detente was.

In Istanbul, authorities detained two Greek nationals after they unfurled a Byzantine-era flag inside the Hagia Sophia Grand Mosque earlier this month. The building, which has served as both cathedral and mosque over its long history, remains a potent symbol for both countries. Turkish officials treated the act as a provocation; in Greece, such gestures often resonate with a sense of historical loss tied to Orthodox heritage.

Incidents like this tend to operate less as causes of tension than as accelerants, reinforcing narratives that already exist on both sides.

The same might be said of the more curious disputes that have surfaced alongside the geopolitical ones.

Turkish singer Işın Karaca recently said she was denied entry into Greece despite holding a valid visa, attributing the decision to earlier remarks about her national identity. The episode, minor in diplomatic terms, nevertheless gained traction as a symbol of perceived hostility.

Then there is the question of cuisine. Long a subject of quiet rivalry, the origins of dishes such as baklava, yogurt and coffee have again become contested terrain. The latest addition is tripe soup, “işkembe” in Turkish and “patsa” in Greek, after Greek references linking the dish to ancient texts, including the “Odyssey,” prompted pushback in Turkish outlets that framed such assertions as cultural appropriation.

As with earlier food debates, the dispute has played out less through official channels than through commentary, headlines and social media, where questions of culinary heritage often blur into broader questions of national identity.

Taken together, these episodes sketch a relationship that operates on multiple levels at once. Strategic disputes over territory and security unfold alongside legal disagreements in Brussels, while cultural and symbolic issues provide a steady undercurrent of friction.

Neither Ankara nor Athens appears eager for outright escalation. Both remain embedded in the same security architecture and maintain open diplomatic channels. Yet the accumulation of disputes, from the movement of ships and missiles to the provenance of recipes, suggests a relationship that is once again tilting toward tension.

In that sense, the argument over tripe soup is not as trivial as it might seem. It is simply the most digestible expression of a rivalry that runs far deeper.

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Türkiye’s Foreign Ministry said a growing climate of peace and reconciliation in the South Caucasus reflects a strong push by regional actors seeking stability and cooperation, while warning against efforts to inflame tensions rooted in historical disputes.

In a statement, the ministry said parties involved in discussions over the events of 1915 share a clear stance against the politicization of the issue, criticizing some third-country politicians for exploiting the matter for narrow political interests or to deflect from their own responsibilities.

Ankara reiterated that Türkiye, which it said has long embodied a culture of coexistence, has opened its archives and continues to support the establishment of a joint history commission to examine the events of 1915 in a fair and objective manner. The proposal, the ministry noted, remains on the table.

Calling for a forward-looking approach, the ministry urged third parties with constructive intentions to support ongoing dialogue efforts and contribute to building a shared and just historical understanding, as well as reinforcing the region’s emerging atmosphere of cooperation.

Türkiye’s position on the 1915 events is that the deaths of Armenians in eastern Anatolia took place when some sided with invading Russians and revolted against Ottoman forces.

A subsequent relocation of Armenians resulted in numerous casualties, made worse by massacres conducted by militaries and militia groups from both sides. The mass arrests of prominent Ottoman-Armenian politicians, intellectuals and other community members suspected of links with separatist groups, harboring nationalist sentiments and being hostile to Ottoman rule occurred in the then-capital city of Istanbul on April 24, 1915. The date is commemorated as the beginning of later atrocities.

Ankara objects to the presentation of these incidents as “genocide,” describing them as a tragedy in which both sides suffered casualties.

Ankara is of the opinion that controversial episodes in history such as the events of 1915 should be studied without prejudice by respecting the scientific and legal principles to write a just account of the incidents. With this understanding, Türkiye proposed the establishment of a Joint History Commission and opened its archives.

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A field study focusing on Turkish youth in the United Kingdom has found that Islamophobia extends beyond overt hostility, taking root in subtle, routine interactions that are often difficult to detect but leave lasting psychological effects.

The research, conducted by Dr. Muhammed Babacan, an assistant professor in the sociology of religion, highlights how discrimination is reproduced not only through explicit acts such as hate speech or physical attacks, but also through what he describes as “everyday Islamophobia.”

Speaking about his findings, Babacan said the phenomenon operates on both “macro” and “micro” levels. At the macro level, he pointed to political discourse and media narratives in Western societies that frame Islam in negative terms, often for political or economic purposes. These narratives, he said, help normalize prejudice and shape public attitudes.

“This situation fuels the micro level,” Babacan said. “The racist mindset, influenced by this macro level, produces racism in daily life.”

According to the study, these broader discourses translate into lived experiences in schools, workplaces, public institutions and on the street. While overt incidents of discrimination remain a concern, Babacan emphasized that many participants described more subtle forms of bias that are harder to identify and prove.

The research contributes to ongoing debates about how Islamophobia should be defined, arguing that it should be understood as a form of racism. Babacan noted that racism has evolved in the modern era, shifting away from biological or genetic markers toward cultural differences.

“In the past, racism was based on physical traits,” he said. “Today, it is shaped by culture, by clothing, religious symbols, lifestyle and perceived compatibility with Western values.”

This shift, often described as “cultural racism,” has become more prominent in the decades following large-scale migration movements after World War II. Generalizations about Muslims, Babacan said, are among the clearest examples of this trend.

The study also found that the effects of Islamophobia are not evenly distributed. Certain groups face more intense forms of discrimination, particularly those whose religious identity is more visible. Babacan highlighted the concept of intersectionality, noting that conservative Muslim women often experience compounded discrimination due to both gender and religious identity.

“The combination of multiple identities increases the severity of discrimination,” he said.

Central to the study is the concept of “everyday Islamophobia,” which Babacan described as a subtle, often hidden form of bias embedded in routine interactions. Unlike overt acts of racism, these experiences are frequently ambiguous, allowing perpetrators or institutions to offer alternative explanations.

In interviews with Turkish youth, participants described situations in which they felt singled out despite a lack of clear evidence. One example involved airport security procedures, where individuals wearing headscarves reported being disproportionately searched or questioned compared to others traveling under similar conditions.

Such incidents, Babacan said, may appear isolated, but their repetition creates a strong perception of unequal treatment.

“Because these experiences are not explicit, they are difficult to prove,” he said. “But over time, they leave a psychological impact and reinforce a sense of exclusion.”

Even seemingly innocuous questions can contribute to this dynamic. Participants reported being repeatedly asked about their origins, even if they were born and raised in the United Kingdom. In some cases, these interactions escalated into overtly prejudiced remarks once their Turkish or Muslim background was revealed.

“The question ‘Where are you from?’ may seem innocent,” Babacan said. “But how and why it is asked can turn it into a form of discrimination.”

The study found that visible markers of religious identity, such as headscarves, play a significant role in shaping how individuals are perceived and treated. These symbols often influence behavior toward individuals in subtle but consistent ways.

Another key finding is how Turkish youth respond to these experiences. Unlike some other Muslim communities, the study suggests that Turks in the United Kingdom tend to adopt identity strategies that emphasize ethnicity rather than religion.

Babacan said many participants viewed Islamophobia as a stigmatized identity associated primarily with other Muslim groups. As a result, they sought to distance themselves from that perception by highlighting ethnic differences.

“Turks living in the U.K. are inclined to construct a different identity outside of this,” he said. “They position themselves separately and emphasize difference.”

This strategy often involves what Babacan described as an emphasis on “whiteness,” invisibility and distinction. By presenting themselves as less visibly Muslim or culturally distinct from other groups, some Turkish youth attempt to avoid discrimination.

The study also introduces the concept of “hypothetical whiteness,” in which individuals perceive themselves as less likely to be targeted due to their relative invisibility within the broader social landscape.

Babacan noted that this dynamic is shaped in part by the structure of minority communities in the United Kingdom. South Asians, who represent a larger and more visible Muslim population, are more frequently the focus of public and media attention related to Islamophobia.

“The fact that South Asians are often the primary target has created a space for young Turks to say, ‘We are different,’” he said.

However, this strategy does not eliminate discrimination entirely. Instead, it reflects an adaptive response to a social environment in which bias is both pervasive and often difficult to confront directly.

The study underscores the need to examine Islamophobia beyond its most visible forms, drawing attention to the everyday interactions that shape the lived experiences of minority communities.

By highlighting these subtle dynamics, Babacan said, the research aims to broaden understanding of how discrimination operates and to encourage more comprehensive approaches to addressing it.

“Islamophobia is not only about extreme cases,” he said. “It is also about the ordinary moments that accumulate over time and shape people’s sense of belonging.”

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Friday condemned the burning of the Turkish flag during a torchlit march in Armenia’s capital, calling the act a “provocation” that risks escalating tensions.

According to the state news agency Armenpress, Pashinyan criticized the incident that took place during a march organized by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun), describing it as “clearly provocative and inciting.”

In a statement to Armenpress, the prime minister’s spokesperson, Nazeli Baghdasaryan, said Pashinyan views such actions as “irresponsible and unacceptable,” emphasizing that the burning of the flag of an internationally recognized state, particularly that of a neighboring country, cannot be justified.

The incident comes amid fragile relations between Armenia and Türkiye, as both countries have engaged in intermittent efforts to normalize ties in recent years.

The two countries share a complex history. Armenia, for a long time, has accused Türkiye, or rather, the Ottoman Empire, of committing “genocide” against the Armenian population in the country during World War I. Türkiye has repeatedly denied the claims, although it has acknowledged a high number of deaths among Armenians due to isolated incidents and diseases.

The “genocide,” as Armenia calls it, is a thorn in the bid to normalize relations between Türkiye and Armenia. Türkiye rejects Armenian discourse on the 1915 mass deaths of Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire and has repeatedly urged its neighbor to leave the matter to historians and not let it overshadow ties.

Armenia pursues normalization efforts with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, a process accelerated particularly after Azerbaijan’s victory over Karabakh, a territory occupied by Armenia for years.

Relations began to thaw after the 2020 Karabakh war, with both sides appointing special envoys to pursue normalization talks and negotiating the reopening of their land border. So far, limited agreements have allowed third-country citizens and diplomats to cross, but a full reopening remains elusive.

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Türkiye and the United Kingdom on Thursday signed a Strategic Partnership Framework Document during Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s visit to London, marking a significant step in deepening ties between the two NATO allies.

The agreement, signed by Fidan and British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper on the first day of Fidan’s two-day visit, aims to strengthen the existing strategic partnership and broaden cooperation built on close bilateral dialogue.

In a joint statement, the two countries described the document as a “solid foundation” for enhancing collaboration between allies that share “a historic friendship, excellent bilateral relations, and a common perspective on a wide range of international issues and global challenges.”

The statement emphasized a shared commitment to security and stability, particularly in the Middle East, and highlighted the growing importance of NATO in an evolving geopolitical landscape.

“NATO’s Strategic Concept, as well as its core tasks of deterrence and defense, will continue to form the basis of our cooperation in ensuring Euro-Atlantic security,” the statement said, adding that strong transatlantic relations remain essential for peace and stability in Europe.

Expanding trade

The framework also confirms both countries’ intention to boost bilateral trade and investment, including ongoing negotiations to update their existing Free Trade Agreement. Officials say a more comprehensive deal is expected to support joint economic growth and reflect changing global economic conditions.

Cooper underscored Türkiye’s importance on the global stage, describing it as “an indispensable partner for global security” in a post on social media. She added that the two sides agreed to deepen cooperation as NATO allies while strengthening economic ties to promote shared prosperity.

Fidan’s visit comes amid a period of intensified engagement between Ankara and London, with high-level contacts increasing in recent months. The growing momentum in relations has been particularly visible in defense and trade.

Defense industry

One of the most notable developments has been Türkiye’s agreement to purchase 20 Eurofighter fighter jets, alongside efforts to finalize a new free trade deal. The Eurofighter jets are produced by a multinational consortium including British firms, and the deal reflects expanding defense industry cooperation between the two countries.

Türkiye is also exploring additional acquisitions of Eurofighter aircraft from Qatar and Oman, which, if completed, would significantly expand its fleet.

Beyond defense, both sides aim to deepen cooperation in key sectors such as energy and the broader economy. As two NATO members outside the European Union, Türkiye and the UK share similar strategic positioning, which has further encouraged closer alignment, particularly after Britain’s departure from the EU.

Post-Brexit framework

Following Brexit, Ankara and London moved quickly to safeguard trade by signing a provisional agreement covering goods in 2020. Current negotiations seek to replace that deal with a more modern and comprehensive framework. Officials confirmed that the fourth round of talks was completed in March, signaling steady progress.

Diplomatic sources said Fidan’s agenda in London also includes preparations for an upcoming NATO summit scheduled to take place in Ankara on July 7-8. His visit follows recent talks in Ankara with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte.

Recent bilateral engagement has extended across multiple levels of government. Defense ministers Yaşar Güler and John Healey met in London in March, while Trade Minister Ömer Bolat held talks earlier this year to advance free trade negotiations.

Despite growing cooperation, both countries face shared challenges in their relations with the European Union. Applications by Türkiye and the U.K. to participate in the EU’s Security Action for Europe (SAFE) program, a 150 billion euro ($175 billion) defense financing initiative, were rejected. The issue is expected to feature prominently at the upcoming NATO summit in Ankara.

Regional and global security issues also featured prominently in Fidan’s discussions with his British counterpart. Talks addressed ongoing tensions in the Middle East and the Russia-Ukraine war, with both sides emphasizing the importance of diplomacy.

Türkiye has reiterated its support for dialogue to end the war in Ukraine, offering to host direct negotiations and provide assistance to both parties. The issue remains a key priority in Ankara’s diplomatic efforts.

Developments in the Gulf were also discussed, including proposals by Britain and France to establish an international force to ensure free passage through the Strait of Hormuz. Türkiye has similarly stressed the importance of maintaining open transit through the strategic waterway.

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Justice Minister Akın Gürlek said Friday that protecting children, youth and families from drugs, illegal betting, online gambling and what he described as “social media terrorism” is not only a public safety matter but also a national security priority.

Speaking during a visit to the northwestern province of Edirne, Gürlek warned that such threats target the country’s social fabric and family structure, posing long-term risks to society.

“Protecting our children, young people and families from these threats is not merely a matter of public order, but also a matter of family, future and, clearly, national security,” Gürlek said.

He added that authorities would continue efforts to combat criminal networks ranging from street-level drug dealers to international trafficking organizations, including their financial and logistical connections.

The minister also highlighted the growing risks posed by digital platforms, saying online environments that seek to influence or manipulate young people are spreading rapidly and should be treated as a pressing issue both globally and domestically.

Gürlek called on families to play a more active role in monitoring and protecting children and youth, describing them as “the most valuable assets” of society. He said the government has already taken legislative steps to address these concerns and signaled that further regulations are being considered.

According to Gürlek, a recently adopted family-focused legislative package includes measures related to social media, while additional provisions could be introduced in a forthcoming judicial reform package.

“Necessary steps have been taken to regulate these areas, and we are considering further measures regarding social media in our next judicial reform package,” he said.

During his visit, Gürlek met with local officials and members of the provincial administration. He later told reporters he was honored to be in Edirne, describing the city as a place of rich cultural and historical significance.

The remarks come as Türkiye continues to emphasize strengthening its justice system and reinforcing public trust in state institutions as part of its broader national development goals.

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