Politics
From observer to host, Türkiye rises in climate diplomacy
Türkiye, which has been involved in climate negotiations since the 1990s, when global climate talks gained momentum, is preparing to open a new chapter with its hosting of and presidency over COP31.
COP31, the world’s most important climate-themed gathering, will be held next week in Antalya, a Mediterranean city in southern Türkiye, which has been a venue of high-profile events in recent years, including the Antalya Diplomacy Forum. Prior to that, Türkiye has contributed to international efforts to combat climate change to date.
As part of efforts led by the United Nations to establish global cooperation in combating climate change, the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was opened for signature at the Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The convention, which became the foundation of international cooperation in the fight against climate change, entered into force in 1994. Following the convention’s entry into force, the Conference of the Parties (COP) began international climate negotiations. The COP was authorized to regularly review the implementation of the convention and adopt the necessary decisions to promote its effective implementation.
While the first COP summit was held in Berlin in 1995, Türkiye participated in COP summits as an observer country until 2004, when it became a party to the UNFCCC. Having joined the convention on May 24, 2004, Türkiye has since attended subsequent COP summits as a party.
Following its accession to the convention, Türkiye restructured its Climate Change Coordination Board that same year and established eight technical working groups. The Ankara Climate Change Conference was also held on Sept. 1-3, 2004.
In 2006, Türkiye submitted its first greenhouse gas inventory to the UNFCCC Secretariat. Parliamentary commissions on global warming were also established.
Türkiye signed the Kyoto Protocol in 2009. Adopted in 1997 and entering into force in 2005, the protocol was regarded at the time as the most significant step taken toward reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
In May 2010, the National Climate Change Strategy Document was published, followed in 2011 by the National Climate Change Action Plan and the Climate Change Adaptation Strategy and Action Plan. These documents were regarded as important steps toward fulfilling Türkiye’s obligations in international climate negotiations.
The Paris Agreement, a legally binding international treaty on climate change, was adopted at COP21 in Paris on Dec. 12, 2015, and entered into force on Nov. 4, 2016.
At the heart of this global framework are the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), through which countries party to the agreement set out concrete commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and strengthen their resilience to the adverse effects of climate change.
Türkiye signed the Paris Agreement on April 22, 2016, and became a party to it on Nov. 10, 2021. Like all other parties, Türkiye began submitting NDCs to the UNFCCC Secretariat every five years, each time including more ambitious emission reduction targets and, on a voluntary basis, climate change adaptation targets.
Within the framework of the Glasgow Climate Pact, adopted by parties at COP26 in addition to the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement, Türkiye submitted its Updated First Nationally Determined Contribution on April 13, 2023.
With this submission, Türkiye reaffirmed its commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 41% by 2030 compared with the reference scenario outlined in its First Nationally Determined Contribution and Intended Nationally Determined Contribution, which used 2012 as the base year.
Türkiye strengthened its targets in its Second Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC 3.0), pledging to achieve a greenhouse gas emissions reduction of 466 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent by 2035 compared with the reference scenario and limit its emissions to 643 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent.
International initiatives undertaken under the Zero Waste Project, launched in 2017 by the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change under the auspices of first lady Emine Erdoğan, have also become one of the key components of Türkiye’s climate diplomacy agenda. On Dec. 14, 2022, the U.N. General Assembly designated March 30 as International Zero Waste Day. At the same meeting, the U.N. Secretary-General’s Advisory Board of Eminent Persons on Zero Waste, announced by Antonio Guterres, was established on April 12, 2023. At Guterres’ proposal, Emine Erdoğan assumed the chairmanship of the U.N. Advisory Board of Eminent Persons on Zero Waste.
Following the consensus reached at COP30, held last year in the Brazilian city of Belem, Türkiye took on the responsibility of hosting COP31 and holding its presidency.
The Greek Cypriot administration plans to allocate approximately 230 million euros (nearly $260 million) to water infrastructure and supplies in 2027 as worsening drought conditions strain resources, while Türkiye’s decade-old underwater pipeline continues to provide drinking and irrigation water to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
According to Greek Cypriot media reports, the administration is preparing at least 65 drinking water and irrigation projects, with approximately 43% of the Agriculture Ministry’s proposed budget earmarked for the water sector.
Of the total allocation, 158 million euros will be dedicated to purchasing desalinated water as authorities seek to secure supplies amid persistent shortages.
Greek Cypriot Agriculture Minister Christos Senekis said the proposed water budget represents an increase of approximately 30 million euros compared with 2026. The administration plans to undertake 15 major infrastructure projects while maintaining continuous operations at existing desalination facilities.
It currently relies on five permanent and five mobile desalination plants, with two additional mobile facilities planned to expand production capacity.
Türkiye’s cross-sea water link
While Greek Cypriot authorities pursue new investments to address water shortages, Türkiye has supplied the TRNC through an underwater pipeline since 2015.
The TRNC Water Supply Project, inaugurated by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Oct. 17, 2015, was designed to address longstanding water shortages and strengthen water security in the Turkish side of the island.
Known in Türkiye as the “Project of the Century,” the system transports freshwater from the Alaköprü Dam in Anamur, in Türkiye’s southern Mersin province, across the Mediterranean to the Geçitköy Dam in the TRNC.
The pipeline, which includes an approximately 80-kilometer (49.7-mile) offshore section, has an annual transportation capacity of 75 million cubic meters (19.8 billion gallons).
Of that capacity, approximately 37.76 million cubic meters are designated for drinking, domestic and industrial use, while 37.24 million cubic meters are allocated to agricultural irrigation.
The project aims to reduce dependence on limited local water resources while supporting agricultural production and economic development.
Islandwide water proposal
Türkiye has also expressed willingness to extend the project’s benefits beyond the TRNC under appropriate political conditions.
According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry’s 2015 annual report, the water supply system could potentially be expanded to serve the entire island if the Greek Cypriot side demonstrated the necessary political willingness.
The proposal highlighted the possibility of using water infrastructure as an avenue for cooperation between the island’s two communities.
As Greek Cypriot authorities prepare substantial investments in desalination and water infrastructure, Türkiye’s existing pipeline remains a major component of the TRNC’s water supply network, providing an alternative source of freshwater amid recurring drought conditions across the island.
TRNC Prime Minister Ünal Üstel said last week that the Turkish Cypriot side remained open to cooperation with the Greek Cypriot leadership on both water and natural gas.
“Our door is always open to the Greek Cypriot leadership on both water and natural gas,” he noted in a written statement.
Üstel added that his government was closely monitoring the Greek Cypriot administration’s diplomatic initiatives and correspondence with the United Nations and European Union, warning that unilateral actions disregarding Turkish Cypriots’ rights and interests could further undermine stability on the island.
Türkiye and the TRNC signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on natural gas supplies on July 10, after which Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar announced that work had begun on a subsea pipeline linking the two.
Bayraktar said the planned pipeline would stretch 101 kilometers (63 miles), including 97 kilometers offshore and 4 kilometers onshore, connecting Anamur on Türkiye’s Mediterranean coast with Teknecik in the TRNC.
The project envisages two 22-inch pipelines designed to operate in both directions, allowing natural gas to flow from Türkiye to the TRNC while also enabling any future gas production from the island to be transported to Türkiye and potentially onward to Europe.
Parliament is debating a bill Wednesday approving the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, a trilateral pact with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan aimed at strengthening collective defense, military cooperation and regional security coordination.
The agreement identifies Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan as its three founding members, referred to as “Core Parties,” and establishes mutual defense obligations based on respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and international law.
Under Article 2, an externally initiated armed attack or military aggression against any signatory would be considered an attack against all three countries.
The provision draws on Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which recognizes the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense.
However, military assistance would not be automatic or unconditional. The country facing an attack must first request support, after which the three parties would jointly assess the situation and determine the nature and scope of assistance through consensus.
Any deployment of Turkish troops abroad would remain subject to Article 92 of Türkiye’s Constitution, which regulates parliamentary authorization for overseas military operations.
Joint defense production
Beyond collective security commitments, the agreement outlines extensive cooperation in defense manufacturing, technological development and military logistics.
The three countries would pursue joint weapons production, research and development projects, technology transfers and specialized personnel training.
The framework also provides for coordinated logistical support, including supplies of ammunition, weapons, fuel and spare parts during peacetime, wartime and emergencies.
The agreement would establish a Strategic Political and Defense Committee comprising the foreign ministers, defense ministers and military chiefs of the three countries.
The committee would meet at least twice annually, with rotating host countries, while national leaders could convene once a year when necessary.
Saudi Arabia would host a permanent secretariat headed by a secretary-general serving a rotating three-year term. The first secretary-general would be a Pakistani national.
Articles 9 and 13 outline cooperation on counterterrorism and intelligence sharing through agreed secure communication channels.
Classified information would be protected under a “need-to-know” principle and could not be shared with third countries or companies.
The agreement would enter into force after the parties deposit their ratification documents with the secretariat and remain valid indefinitely.
Member countries would be prohibited from withdrawing during the first 10 years. After that period, withdrawal would require at least three months’ written notice.
Additional countries could join only with the unanimous approval of the founding members and would be required to uphold principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and noninterference.
For Türkiye, the proposed pact represents an effort to expand defense cooperation with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan while coordinating diplomatic and security initiatives through a formal trilateral framework.
Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia held the first meeting of the Strategic Political and Defense Committee established under the agreement in Istanbul on Aug. 31. At that meeting, the three countries agreed to take further steps to institutionalize cooperation and establish a secretariat in Saudi Arabia headed initially by a Pakistani secretary-general for a three-year term.
Thursday is the 20th anniversary of the passing of Bülent Ecevit, a prime minister who left his mark on Turkish politics both with controversies and remarkable achievements.
The leader of the Democratic Left Party (DSP) governed Türkiye five times as prime minister before his death at the age of 81 due to respiratory failure. It was during his tenure in the 1970s and 1990s that Türkiye launched the Peace Operation in Cyprus and captured the leader of the PKK terrorist group, two major turning points in the brief history of the republic. It was also Ecevit who was blamed for a major economic crisis in the 2000s and drew the hatred of Muslims for opposing a headscarf-wearing lawmaker during the notorious period after the 1997 coup.
A man of short stature and dark complexion, Ecevit was nicknamed “Karaoğlan” (reportedly by a supporter during his visit to the home of a friend in eastern Türkiye), which can be roughly translated as “dark son,” an affectionate expression in Anatolia.
Before his foray into politics, something he inherited from his lawmaker father, Fahri Ecevit, Ecevit worked as a journalist and translator. Along with translating the works of Rabindranath Tagore, T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound into Turkish, Ecevit himself penned several poems. Yet, he found his true calling in politics. He became a member of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) in 1954, when the party was the main opposition after a lengthy rule. He served as a lawmaker for the CHP and later was appointed as labor minister between 1961 and 1965. In 1966, Ecevit’s political life took a new turn as he formed an opposition movement within the CHP with the “Democratic Left” faction of the CHP. After a major fallout with Chair Ismet Inönü, Ecevit challenged him and was elected as CHP chair in 1972. He was first elected as prime minister in 1974 in a coalition government the CHP formed with the National Salvation Party (MSP). Months after taking office, Ecevit faced a critical decision: dispatching troops to Cyprus to protect Turkish Cypriots against attacks by Greek Cypriots. The peace operation he ordered ensured Turkish Cypriot presence on the island and restored peace.
Like other politicians, Ecevit found himself briefly jailed by the military junta that seized power on Sept. 12, 1980, and faced a political ban. At that time, his wife, Rahşan Ecevit, founded the Democratic Left Party (DSP). After his political ban ended, Ecevit was elected chair of the DSP in 1987. The DSP struggled in the Turkish political scene in the early 1990s but found itself as the biggest left-wing party after the 1994 elections. Ecevit served as deputy prime minister and prime minister in coalition governments, a staple of the 1990s. During one of these tenures, Ecevit oversaw the capture of Abdullah Öcalan, the elusive leader of the terrorist group PKK responsible for the killing of tens of thousands of people across Türkiye since the 1980s. Öcalan was brought to Türkiye from Kenya and was jailed for life.
Ecevit was the prime minister of the coalition government formed by the DSP, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Motherland Party (ANAP) after the 1999 elections. It was during this tenure that Ecevit incurred the wrath of the conservative electorate when he opposed Merve Kavakçı’s attendance at Parliament’s General Assembly. Kavakçı, of the Virtue Party (FP), was about to take the oath as the first headscarf-wearing lawmaker in Turkish politics. Ecevit made a fervent speech against Kavakçı while fellow DSP lawmakers sought to block her. He called on other lawmakers to take action against Kavakçı, who was forced to leave Parliament amid outrage from the secular elite and subsequently lost her citizenship.
In 2001, Ecevit was at the heart of another scandal. His quite public row with President Ahmet Necdet Sezer that ended with Sezer hurling a Constitution book toward Ecevit during a tense meeting paved the way for a severe economic crisis. His popularity plummeted, and the DSP lost the 2002 elections. Two years later, Ecevit quit politics. In his final days in office, Ecevit was criticized for clinging to power despite his apparently frail health.
He was hospitalized with a brain haemorrhage in May 2026 and died in intensive care about six months later.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was welcomed with an official ceremony in Seoul on Tuesday during a visit at the invitation of South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, as the two countries seek to strengthen their strategic partnership and expand bilateral cooperation.
Erdoğan and Lee joined the ministers of their countries as they signed memoranda of understanding in several fields, including nuclear energy. Under one of the deals, Ankara and Seoul will cooperate on financing Türkiye’s second power plant planned in the Black Sea province of Sinop.
The president’s meeting with Lee and the signing of the deal were preceded by an elaborate welcoming ceremony for the Turkish leader, who was on his first official visit to the country in eight years.
South Korea’s National Taekwondo Demonstration Team showed off their skills in a lengthy performance on the lawn of the Blue House, amid impressed looks from Erdoğan.
Speaking at a joint news conference following one-on-one and delegation-level meetings at the Presidential Palace, Erdoğan thanked Lee for his hospitality and recalled the sacrifices made by Turkish soldiers during the Korean War 76 years ago, describing the historical bond as the foundation of a relationship that has developed into a strategic partnership.
Lee echoed those remarks, describing Türkiye as a “blood brother” of South Korea and paying tribute to approximately 20,000 Turkish troops who fought alongside South Korean forces during the war.
Both leaders emphasized their commitment to translating the historical relationship into concrete cooperation across strategic sectors.
Defense cooperation to expand
Defense cooperation emerged as a central issue during the talks, with both leaders highlighting existing joint projects and opportunities for further collaboration.
“Defense industry is one of the leading areas where our strategic partnership has produced concrete results,” Erdoğan said, pointing to joint projects involving Fırtına howitzers and Altay main battle tanks.
He stressed that the two countries should increase the number of such projects.
Lee said Ankara and Seoul had agreed to deepen defense industry cooperation through joint production, technology partnerships and efforts to help companies from both countries enter third-country markets.
He also highlighted progress in bilateral defense cooperation, including a joint defense industry and logistics committee meeting in July and a letter of intent on military ship cooperation signed in September.
Nuclear energy and mining were among the other major priorities discussed during the summit.
Erdoğan highlighted a memorandum of understanding signed in November 2025 between Türkiye’s nuclear energy company and Korea Electric Power Corp. (KEPCO), describing it as an important foundation for future cooperation.
Lee announced that the two countries had signed a memorandum of understanding on nuclear power project financing, building on ongoing cooperation concerning Türkiye’s nuclear power plant plans.
The leaders also agreed to strengthen cooperation in advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence, semiconductor manufacturing, battery production and advanced communications.
Under a newly signed science, technology and innovation agreement, the countries plan to convene their bilateral Joint Science and Technology Committee for the first time.
Additional agreements covering energy cooperation, natural resources and mining are expected to support investment, technological development and the diversification of critical mineral supply chains.
Lee also announced plans to establish a South Korea-Türkiye Energy Transition Forum to promote cooperation in clean energy, hydrogen and renewable energy.
$15B bilateral trade target
Economic relations featured prominently in the discussions, with Erdoğan reaffirming Türkiye’s goal of raising bilateral trade to $15 billion.
Recalling that trade volume between Türkiye and South Korea exceeded $10 billion for the first time in 2023, Lee said bilateral trade reached a record high last year.
“Last year, trade volume between Türkiye and South Korea reached $10.7 billion, setting a record since the establishment of diplomatic relations,” he said.
The leaders discussed updating their existing free trade agreement to reflect current economic conditions and addressing trade imbalances, customs delays and other barriers affecting businesses.
Erdoğan noted that more than 400 South Korean companies currently operate in Türkiye, adding that Ankara and Seoul are exploring joint projects in third-country markets.
Lee also highlighted cooperation in biotechnology, including plans involving South Korean company SK Plasma to establish a plasma-derived pharmaceutical production facility in Türkiye.
Regional security
Beyond bilateral cooperation, Erdoğan and Lee discussed international developments, including the Russia-Ukraine war, the situation in the Middle East and security on the Korean Peninsula.
Erdoğan reaffirmed Türkiye’s support for a dialogue-based approach aimed at achieving lasting peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.
Lee welcomed Ankara’s continued support for Seoul’s policy toward North Korea and said the two countries would strengthen coordination on regional and international security challenges.
Both leaders pledged closer cooperation through multilateral platforms, including the United Nations, G20 and MIKTA, a grouping comprising Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Türkiye and Australia.
Erdoğan also announced plans for special events next year to mark the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Türkiye and South Korea.
Lee described Tuesday’s summit as an important milestone in bilateral relations, pledging to work closely with Erdoğan to implement the agreements and deliver concrete results.
The expanded meeting, held behind closed doors, was also attended by Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar, Defense Minister Yaşar Güler, Presidential Communications Director Burhanettin Duran and Presidency of Defense Industries head Haluk Görgün.
National Intelligence Organization (MIT) chief Ibrahim Kalın met with senior Emirati officials in Abu Dhabi to discuss regional security, as Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates continue to deepen their strategic partnership.
Kalın was received by UAE Vice President Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Türkiye’s Ambassador to Abu Dhabi Lütfullah Göktaş said on X.
UAE National Security Adviser Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Ali al-Shamsi, secretary-general of the Supreme Council for National Security, also attended the meeting.
The two sides discussed joint efforts to strengthen regional security and stability, according to Göktaş.
“We believe our strategic partnership with the UAE will make a serious contribution to consolidating regional security and peace,” the ambassador said.
Relations between Ankara and Abu Dhabi have warmed significantly in recent years after a long period of rivalry, during which the two countries backed opposing sides in the Libyan conflict. Sheikh Tahnoun’s visit to Türkiye in August 2021 marked the first major step toward mending ties. His brother, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, followed with a visit later that year.
A week of hearings on the “Imamoğlu criminal organization,” as prosecutors called it, will come to a close in a few days, but former Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu was already cornered, with statements from more eyewitnesses, plaintiffs and co-defendants speaking up at his trial for corruption.
Statements during the hearings at the massive courthouse-prison complex in Silivri on the outskirts of the city were damning, to say the least, and exposed an apparent cycle of bribery and fraud for doing business with the municipality.
Imamoğlu, presidential candidate first for the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and then for its spin-off New Party (YP), was arrested last year and has been held in custody since then, along with 46 other defendants in the sprawling corruption case. A total of 436 defendants are being tried and most of them were released with judiciary control. Among them are municipal bureaucrats accused of being associates of Imamoğlu in his criminal ring thriving on bribes and tender-rigging. Prosecutors are seeking thousands of years in prison for Imamoğlu and fellow defendants. Gürgen, a code-named secret witness, was among those heard in this week’s hearings and detailed the alleged wrongdoings of the said ring. He testified against Ali Sukas, head of a municipal subsidiary in charge of landscaping. Gürgen claimed that Sukas’ wife was nominated for a legislative seat and he instructed his subordinate Ümit Polat to extort money from companies doing business with the subsidiary. “They were threatened that the subsidiary won’t release the funds they are owed to if they don’t pay for (campaign for Sukas’ wife),” the witness said.
Uğur Kemal Gökbulut, who worked as general coordinator for a construction company, detailed how the municipality asked for extra cash for construction permits for a major project of his company. He said the deputy mayor of Şişli, where the project would be constructed, asked him to hand out cheques to several people he designated “for charity.”
“They wouldn’t give us permits if we hadn’t delivered the cheques,” he told the court. Sefer Kocabaş, an architect who was an eyewitness in the hearing, told the court that municipal officials forced owners of a major shopping mall to pay bribes for a permit for a parking garage inside the mall and when they refused, the municipality issued fines to the mall for irrelevant causes.
Ilker Aydın, an investment manager at a pharmaceuticals company, told the court the company’s owner had invested in a construction project in Istanbul’s Şişli district, but the project was incomplete as the municipality had not issued permits for remaining apartment and commercial blocks when the company refused to pay the $5 million requested by the municipality. Aydın said the company later agreed to pay $3.5 million as a bribe for approval of the project.
Another witness, Metin Karakoç, said he worked for a company mentioned in the indictment and that Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) employee and mapping engineer Yakup Öner had requested a “donation” during a meeting with his boss, Mehmet Torun, who is both a defendant and a complainant in the case. Torun agreed to the request, he said. Claiming that the donation in question was subsequently converted into a conditional donation, Karakoç said they made the payment after their requests were approved by the municipal council.
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