Politics
New Iranian leadership may open door to ending war, FM Fidan says
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said a change in Iran’s leadership could create a rare opening to halt the conflict, as he warned against Tehran’s “self-destructive” approach to bomb Gulf neighbors.
Fidan said the Middle East is experiencing one of its most volatile moments in decades, but noted that the political transition in Iran could produce a diplomatic window the region has not had since the fighting began. “A new leadership structure may reshape Iran’s decision-making and create an opportunity to stop the war,” he told a live broadcast on TRT Haber news channel.
Fidan said the political transition now underway in Iran could create a narrow but meaningful opening to stop the conflict. “The new leadership in Iran may show greater flexibility at this stage,” he said, noting that decision-making is currently in the hands of a temporary three-member council until a permanent leader is chosen. “This could be a window of opportunity, if used wisely.”
He stressed that any diplomatic framework must balance concerns on both sides. “It must be a formula that does not humiliate the Iranians, while also addressing the legitimate worries of others,” he said. Otherwise, he warned, prolonging the war would carry “far worse consequences than any concession that might be made.”
“Iran’s indiscriminate bombing of all these Gulf countries is an unbelievably wrong strategy,” Fidan said.
Fidan said many Gulf states had worked intensely to prevent the outbreak of the war, stressing that he personally witnessed their efforts. He noted that Qatar’s prime minister and foreign minister were still trying to stop the escalation “until an hour before the attack,” acting in ways that were effectively in Iran’s interest at the time. Despite this, Fidan said Tehran launched widespread strikes without distinction, targeting Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan. “Iran’s indiscriminate bombing of all these countries was an unbelievably wrong strategy,” he said, arguing that it heightened regional risks and was also counterproductive from Iran’s own perspective.
He added that several of these states had not allowed their airspace or bases to be used against Iran, had declared neutrality in advance and even worked to stop the war. Attacking such countries, he said, revealed how serious Iran’s threat perception had become. “It reflects a mindset of ‘if I go down, the region goes down with me,’” he said.
The top Turkish diplomat said the region is witnessing one of its most critical periods in decades, noting that the latest conflict involving Iran has intensified a cycle of instability that has already scarred the Middle East for the past 20 years.
Fidan said the course and duration of the conflict will depend largely on the goals of the actors involved. He noted two distinct objectives shaping the current military campaign: one focused on degrading Iran’s military capabilities, and another aimed at bringing about regime change.
“These are two very different concepts,” he said. “The length of the war, how it expands and the risks it creates will vary depending on which objective is pursued.”
He added that Türkiye has already begun coordinating with several countries to prevent the situation from deteriorating further. “Our priority is to form a common understanding with key partners and take steps that can stop the conflict from spiraling into something worse,” he said.
Fidan described a tense period in January, saying that the region came extremely close to a major war. One pivotal moment, he noted, was a phone call on Jan. 27 between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and U.S. President Donald Trump, which he called “historic.” At the time, Washington was close to deciding on a military strike. Fidan said U.S. officials contacted him directly during those days, indicating the seriousness of the situation.
On Jan. 30, Türkiye hosted Iran’s Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, in Istanbul. Fidan said intense Turkish diplomacy produced a format for renewed talks. Washington had been pushing to resolve four issues simultaneously, while Iran rejected the approach. Türkiye proposed splitting the agenda: two issues would be discussed directly between Washington and Tehran, and two would be addressed by regional countries.
“When we explained the structure to the Americans, they immediately accepted,” he said. The Iranians asked for time to consult their leadership and eventually agreed to return to the earlier negotiation format.
Fidan said this effort effectively paused the immediate threat of war.
“A conflict that could have erupted within one or two days was temporarily halted,” he said. He publicly stated at the time that there was no war “as of now,” a comment he recalls making around Feb. 8 or 9. Talks continued in Umman on Feb. 6 and in Geneva on Feb. 26. But friction persisted, and the war eventually broke out on Feb. 28.
The foreign minister said the negotiation process should have ended formally if the United States decided the talks were no longer useful. “There should have been an official statement saying, ‘I am leaving the talks because they did not produce the result I expected,’” he said, arguing that such a declaration was necessary for diplomatic protocol.
Fidan said he met with all sides – Iran, the mediator and the United States – after the last Geneva meeting and realized the process was deteriorating. There was a gap, he said, between the pace Iran wanted and the urgency Washington felt, which was further intensified by Israeli pressure. Still, he believes a positive outcome on the nuclear issue was within reach.
“If the process had continued a little longer, a result could have been achieved,” he said, while acknowledging that both sides were demanding concessions that would have required time.
He added that Iran misread the pressure Trump was under. “If the Iranians had recognized the decision pressure Trump faced and put something on the table earlier, Israel’s pressure might not have been as effective,” he said. Instead, events unfolded differently, and the war began on Feb. 28.
One day after Özgür Özel announced his New Party (YP), his predecessor and successor, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, declared that his cleansing operation of Türkiye’s main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) had been “largely achieved.”
Kılıçdaroğlu was reinstated as chairman of Türkiye’s oldest party last May after a court ruled that Özel had been dubiously elected as party chair in a November 2023 election amid allegations of vote-buying. Although Özel’s supporters branded him a “traitor” for accepting the reinstatement, Kılıçdaroğlu has stressed that he returned to the top post to “purify” the CHP of the corruption with which it had long been associated. The alleged corruption refers both to vote-buying allegations and to the arrests and detentions of a large number of CHP mayors on charges of corruption, money laundering and widespread bribery.
Kılıçdaroğlu spoke in Istanbul on Saturday at an event where the CHP welcomed new members and people who had been expelled from the party under the Özel administration. “We have a party that needed to clean itself, and thankfully, that has largely been achieved,” he said.
Since taking office, Kılıçdaroğlu has replaced most of the top cadres loyal to Özel and sacked the heads of the party’s provincial branches amid confrontations between pro-Özel and pro-Kılıçdaroğlu groups.
“We don’t want politicians who steal here. No genuine member of the CHP can side with corrupt people,” he stressed, noting that his mission has always been to fight corruption since he first took office at the party in 2010.
Meanwhile, the CHP faced accusations from pro-Özel media outlets of hiring extras for Saturday’s event. The Birgün newspaper claimed that the party paid TL 950 ($20) a day to hundreds of people to fill the event and chant slogans in support of Kılıçdaroğlu. The CHP denied the accusations, while party spokesperson Müslim Sarı branded them “immoral accusations” and pledged that the party would take legal action against those responsible.
At a time when the United Nations has refocused on resolving the Cyprus question, amid U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ anticipated visit to the island this week, the European Union is seeking a role in the process. Nevertheless, the bloc, which counts the so-called Republic of Cyprus as a member, fails to fulfill the criteria required for such a role, including objectivity, the consent and confidence of one side, and the absence of a conflict of interest, let alone having the necessary jurisdiction.
Guterres will likely make his final visit to the island before his term officially ends in January. During his two-day visit, he is expected to hold talks with representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. The EU, meanwhile, has increased its activities regarding Cyprus despite having no official role in the resolution process. The EU took its first step in that direction in 2025 by appointing Johannes Hahn as its special envoy for Cyprus, describing the move as a contribution to a solution on the divided island. On July 13, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen held a phone call with Guterres and underscored the “momentum” in efforts to resolve the Cyprus question. The same day, the EU announced Raffaele Fitto as its new special envoy for Cyprus.
The island has been mired in a decadeslong dispute between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, despite a series of diplomatic efforts by the U.N. to achieve a comprehensive settlement.
Ethnic attacks that began in the early 1960s forced Turkish Cypriots to withdraw into enclaves for their safety. In 1974, a Greek Cypriot coup aimed at the annexation of Cyprus by Greece led to Türkiye’s military intervention as a guarantor power to protect Turkish Cypriots from persecution and violence.
As a result, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) was founded in 1983. The country is recognized only by Türkiye, which does not recognize the Greek Cypriot administration in the south.
The island has seen an on-and-off peace process, but negotiations have been stalled since 2017.
In response to a question from Anadolu Agency (AA) about how Turkish Cypriots could trust the EU as a neutral facilitator in the process, particularly after the EU failed to fulfill its pledge to integrate Turkish Cypriots more closely into the bloc and end their isolation following a 2004 referendum on a U.N. plan to reunify Cyprus as a federal state, and after failing to seek the views of the Turkish Cypriot side on the appointment of Fitto, the European Commission said Fitto would be tasked with preparing the ground for the resumption of negotiations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The commission said both communities in Cyprus would be included in Fitto’s mission to build trust between the two sides.
Kaja Kallas, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, also announced that she had spoken by phone with Maria Angela Holguin Cuellar, the U.N. secretary-general’s personal envoy for Cyprus, on July 21, adding that “the EU’s determined support for U.N. efforts will continue.” Cuellar, who visited Brussels, also held face-to-face meetings with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and the EU’s new special representative for Cyprus, Raffaele Fitto, on July 22.
In a statement following the meeting, von der Leyen said she welcomed Cuellar’s efforts to find a solution within the U.N. framework and “in line with the EU’s principles, values and legislation,” adding that the EU would continue contributing to the process.
In international disputes, key criteria generally considered when a party seeks to assume the role of mediator, facilitator or official actor include impartiality, the consent and trust of the parties, the absence of a conflict of interest, and the necessary authority and capacity. One of the most significant factors preventing the EU from assuming a role in the Cyprus issue is its lack of impartiality. The Greek Cypriot administration in the south, which is a party to the dispute, is a member of the EU.
The “Republic of Cyprus” applied for full membership in the European Community on behalf of the entire island on July 4, 1990. Despite strong objections and criticism from the Turkish Cypriot side, which argued that the application was unlawful, the European Commission issued an opinion to the EU Council in 1993 that the application was eligible for consideration. Despite provisions in the 1960 Treaties stipulating that Cyprus could not join any economic or political union of which Türkiye and Greece were not both members, and that the Greek Cypriot administration did not have the authority to represent Turkish Cypriots, the EU began processing the Greek Cypriot administration’s membership application in 1993.
Full membership negotiations between the EU and Cyprus began on March 30, 1998.
Following the negotiations, the Greek Cypriot administration, which did not meet the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership, became a full member of the EU on May 1, 2004.
By admitting the Greek Cypriot administration into the bloc before a solution to the Cyprus issue had been reached, the EU itself became a party to the dispute.
With its veto power within the EU, the Greek Cypriot administration gained the ability to shape the bloc’s policies regarding Cyprus. While it began to continuously influence developments related to the process across the bloc, the EU also adopted a stance that favored and protected the Greek Cypriot administration.
Matter of impartiality
For the EU to assume a role in the Cyprus issue, it must have not only impartiality but also a relationship of trust with the parties.
However, the EU has frequently taken steps that have undermined trust among Turkish Cypriots, failed to fulfill its promises and even ignored the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
Indeed, when the Annan Plan was put before the two communities on the island in 2004, the EU and the U.S. had sent the message before the negotiations that the side voting in favor of the peace plan would be rewarded, while the side blocking it would bear the costs.
The Annan Plan could not enter into force because it was rejected by Greek Cypriots. Nevertheless, the doors to EU membership were opened to the Greek Cypriot administration.
Turkish Cypriots had been promised that their isolation would be lifted after they voted “yes” to the Annan Plan.
Following the constructive stance of Turkish Cypriots, the EU prepared the Green Line Regulation, the Financial Aid Regulation and the Direct Trade Regulation with Turkish Cypriots.
Only the Green Line Regulation and the Financial Aid Regulation could enter into force, while the Direct Trade Regulation with Turkish Cypriots could not be implemented because of a veto by Greek Cypriots.
Throughout this process, EU institutions and leaders continued to act as spokespeople for the Greek Cypriot side, while the European Parliament continued to adopt provocative resolutions on Cyprus.
The European Commission also recently ignored the TRNC and the will of Turkish Cypriots by failing to seek their views or consent even when appointing a special representative.
In response, the Turkish Cypriot Foreign Ministry said the EU’s new representative had no official status and stated: “It is absurd for a representative of an institution that disregards the inherent rights and sovereign will of the Turkish Cypriot people to claim that they can conduct equal dialogue with both sides on the island. On this occasion, we reiterate our call on the European Commission to recognize the realities on the island and once again remind it that we will not take part in any negotiation process unless our sovereign equality and equal international status are recognized.”
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s remarks welcoming Türkiye’s admission as an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Dialogue Partner have brought renewed focus to Ankara’s growing engagement with Southeast Asia, with experts arguing that the region has become a key pillar of the country’s long-term foreign policy vision based on strategic autonomy and diversified partnerships.
“Türkiye’s 2019 “Asia Anew” initiative has gained increasing traction within ASEAN,” Mustafa Cem Koyuncu, an Asia-Pacific specialist and co-founder of Bridge Turkey, told Daily Sabah arguing that Ankara’s economic outreach, expanding diplomatic presence and historical and cultural links with the region have strengthened its standing both within the bloc and among its member states.
Türkiye has been admitted as an ASEAN Dialogue Partner, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan announced Tuesday, calling the decision a major milestone in Ankara’s efforts to expand its diplomatic footprint in the Asia-Pacific and deepen long-term engagement with Southeast Asia.
Fidan said the decision was adopted by ASEAN foreign ministers during their meeting in Manila, elevating Türkiye to a status previously granted to only 11 countries and ranking just below full membership within the bloc’s partnership framework.
Arguing that the Indo-Pacific has become one of the principal arenas of the global power competition between the United States and China, while also serving as the heart of increasingly critical supply chains and trade corridors, Koyuncu stated that at the center of this strategic geography, the ASEAN has emerged as a key mechanism in shaping the regional architecture since the end of the Cold War.
“Its strategic weight, however, is not based on geography alone but also on its institutional cohesion. Individually, none of ASEAN’s 10 member states possesses the capacity to balance major powers or shape global decision-making on its own, he said, “Collectively, however, ASEAN enables its members to overcome those individual limitations and project a level of strategic influence that major powers cannot afford to ignore,” he emphasized.
Minister Fidan noted in a post on his social media account that the development was crucial to expanding Türkiye’s presence in the Asia-Pacific, which he described as the eastern pillar of the country’s global diplomacy, advancing Ankara’s long-term strategy toward ASEAN and bringing ongoing projects to completion.
Balancing superpowers
Founded in 1967, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations was established to promote regional peace and stability while fostering economic, social and cultural cooperation among Southeast Asian countries.
Moreover, Koyuncu also argued that the deepening an increasingly rivalry between the U.S. and China presents ASEAN with both opportunities and risks.
“The bloc is seeking to maximize the economic benefits of Chinese and U.S. investment projects and bilateral trade while avoiding the growing securitization and militarization of the region.”
The bloc’s five founding members were Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. It later expanded to include Brunei in 1984, Vietnam in 1995, Laos and Myanmar in 1997, Cambodia in 1999 and Timor-Leste in 2025, bringing its membership to 11 countries.
“ASEAN is therefore walking a fine line, attempting to preserve its neutrality while protecting its interests, he said, “In this context, the doctrine of ‘ASEAN centrality,’ championed particularly by Indonesia and other regional states, serves as a shield against the risk of wider geopolitical confrontation.”
ASEAN’s highest-level decisions are taken at leaders’ summits held twice annually. Under its 2019 “Asia Anew” initiative, Türkiye has identified ASEAN as a key strategic partner, pursuing a long-term policy aimed at expanding political, economic and institutional cooperation with the Southeast Asian bloc.
“From this perspective, ASEAN offers a third path not only to its own members but also to other regional and external powers. This alternative can be described as a strategic orientation centered on constructive, win-win cooperation and regional stability, rather than alignment with either Chinese or U.S. interests.”
On the other hand, according to Ahmet Faruk Işık, an expert on Chinese Foreign Policy and researcher fellow at the ChinaMed Project, Torino World Affairs Institute (TWAI), ASEAN is assuming greater strategic importance as U.S.-China rivalry deepens, while also facing mounting geopolitical pressures.
He said the bloc, with 11 member states, a population of more than 680 million and a combined economy worth over $3.9 trillion, occupies a pivotal position in global shipping routes, manufacturing networks and regional integration.
“Its political significance stems from its ability to bring major powers, including China and the United States, to the same table through inclusive, ASEAN-led mechanisms,” Işık remarked.
Washington on Thursday announced tariffs on imports from 60 trading partners, which took effect Friday, over their alleged failure to prevent goods produced with forced labor from entering international trade.
The duties, ranging from 10% to 12.5%, entered into force and replaced President Donald Trump’s temporary 10% global tariff, which expired at the same time.
China on Friday rejected unilateral fresh tariffs by the U.S., stressing trade wars do not serve the world’s top two economies.
“We oppose all forms of unilateral tariffs,” China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian told reporters in Beijing.
ASEAN brings together 11 Southeast Asian countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia and Timor-Leste. Its dialogue partners include the United States, Canada, Russia, China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, along with the European Union and now Türkiye.
“ASEAN’s core function is not to mediate between the two powers in the traditional sense, but to provide regional countries with the strategic space to preserve their autonomy without being forced to choose sides,” Işık noted.
Türkiye – ASEAN ties
Türkiye laid the groundwork for institutional ties with ASEAN by acceding to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia in 2010. It was granted Sectoral Dialogue Partner status in 2017.
While trade and investment remain central to Türkiye’s engagement with Southeast Asia, Ankara also aims to deepen its ties with ASEAN and its member states across a broader range of areas, including structured political dialogue, development cooperation and academic and cultural exchanges.
“The upgrade of Türkiye’s status from a Sectoral Dialogue Partner, which it had held since 2017, to a full Dialogue Partner on July 21, 2026, represents a significant institutional leap,” Işık stressed.
Reiterating that the status does not amount to ASEAN membership or grant Türkiye voting rights in the bloc’s decision-making mechanisms, Işık argued that “It does, however, expand cooperation beyond a limited number of sectors to a broader agenda covering political and security issues, economic ties and sociocultural cooperation.”
ASEAN holds significant strategic importance in the global economy. Trade between Türkiye and the bloc rose from $6.5 billion in 2010 to $16.12 billion in 2025, with Malaysia, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore emerging as Ankara’s leading trade partners in the region.
“The success of the relationship will ultimately be determined not by the status itself, but by joint projects backed by clear timelines, adequate funding and measurable outcomes,” Işık noted.
He added that Ankara should avoid viewing ASEAN as a single, uniform market and instead pursue country-specific bilateral strategies tailored to each of its 11 member states while simultaneously advancing ASEAN-wide initiatives.
Türkiye-ASEAN cooperation has also continued to expand through concrete projects in areas including agriculture, women’s economic empowerment, disaster management, humanitarian mine action, maritime affairs, sustainable development, newborn health, science and technology.
Türkiye’s exports to ASEAN member states increased 17.1% from $2.4 billion in 2021 to $2.8 billion in 2025. Exports to the bloc totaled $1.2 billion in the first five months of this year.
Koyuncu further underlined that the recent momentum in diplomatic and economic ties was likely to accelerate following Türkiye’s elevation to Dialogue Partner status.
He said defense industry cooperation between Türkiye and ASEAN countries was expected to expand further as several Southeast Asian states sought to diversify their military procurement away from an overreliance on Chinese and U.S. suppliers.
Imports from ASEAN countries rose 50.7% during the same period, increasing from $8.8 billion to $13.3 billion. Imports reached approximately $6 billion in the January-May period of this year.
As a result, Türkiye’s total trade volume with the region reached $16.1 billion in 2025.
Koyuncu also offered that Türkiye’s active and balanced foreign policy, which has largely shielded it from the wave of international economic sanctions in recent years, could further enhance the appeal of Turkish-made products across Southeast Asia.
Türkiye is expected to bring a long-awaited framework bill to Parliament next week as part of its “terror-free Türkiye” initiative, establishing the legal basis for the disarmament of the PKK terrorist group and the return of its members from their camps in the region, while creating a parliamentary oversight mechanism to monitor the process.
Behind-the-scenes negotiations have intensified following consultations by Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş with political party leaders to finalize the scope of the legislation and secure its swift passage through the Parliament. Kurtulmuş is expected to hold another round of meetings with party representatives in the coming days.
The proposed legislation is expected to establish a Monitoring and Coordination Board, which will oversee the PKK’s disarmament and the evacuation of its camps and caves.
Chaired by the vice president, the board will include officials from relevant ministries and technical experts. It will prepare verification reports addressing key questions, including how many weapons have been surrendered, how many PKK members have returned to Türkiye, and the overall situation on the ground. The reports will be submitted to Parliament every six months.
Subcommittees operating under the board will also be established to monitor former PKK members who return to Türkiye after laying down their arms, with the aim of preventing any renewed involvement in terrorist activities.
The draft legislation does not include any legal provisions or amnesty for the PKK’s senior leadership.
Instead, discussions have focused on relocating senior PKK figures leaving the group’s headquarters in Iraq’s Qandil Mountains to Sulaymaniyah, a city administered by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), rather than allowing them to move to a third country. Turkish authorities are expected to coordinate with Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to closely monitor those individuals.
The arrangement is intended to clarify the legal and practical status of senior PKK leaders who are not eligible to return to Türkiye.
Last week, Kurtulmuş launched consultations with political parties involved in the process, beginning with Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli, who is widely regarded as the architect of the initiative.
In 2024, Bahçeli publicly called on imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan to urge the group to lay down its arms. Öcalan issued such a call in February 2025, after which the PKK announced its decision to dissolve. Turkish security authorities, however, have not yet officially confirmed the group’s complete disarmament, a key condition of the initiative.
Later the same day, Kurtulmuş met with representatives of the PKK-linked Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, whose members have acted as intermediaries between Öcalan and Turkish authorities during the process. Before the meeting, a DEM Party delegation had visited Öcalan at his prison on Imralı Island near Istanbul, where they conveyed his latest message to the public.
Kurtulmuş concluded Tuesday’s consultations with a meeting with Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. The closed-door meeting at Parliament lasted about one hour.
On Wednesday, Kurtulmuş continued his consultations with Good Party (IP) leader Müsavat Dervişoğlu. The meeting, held behind closed doors at Dervişoğlu’s parliamentary office, lasted about 50 minutes and was also attended by IP deputy parliamentary group chairs Uğur Poyraz and Turhan Çömez.
Speaking afterward, Dervişoğlu criticized what he described as major decisions being made “under inappropriate circumstances” and behind closed doors.
Kurtulmuş later met with senior officials from the ruling Justice and Development (AK Party) in a closed-door meeting that lasted about one hour.
Following the meeting, AK Party Deputy Chairman Efkan Ala, who has played a key role in the consultations, declined to specify when the legislation would be introduced.
“We are holding discussions, and those discussions are continuing. Everyone is working on it,” Ala told reporters.
Turkish leaders on Friday marked the sixth anniversary of the reopening of Istanbul’s Hagia Sophia as a mosque with commemorative messages, while authorities announced a new phase in the landmark’s ongoing restoration.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Hagia Sophia had regained its “original identity” six years ago after an 86-year hiatus.
“Hagia Sophia regained its original identity six years ago today after 86 years of longing,” Erdoğan said in a social media post. “God willing, this blessed place of worship will continue to fill our skies with the call to prayer forever. May the revival of Hagia Sophia be blessed.”
Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş described the reopening as “not only the restoration of a place of worship but also a powerful expression of embracing our history and civilization.”
In a separate social media post, Kurtulmuş called Hagia Sophia Grand Mosque “one of the strongest symbols of a nation’s will engraved in history and its loyalty to a centuries-old trust.”
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli also commemorated the anniversary, saying the reopening of Hagia Sophia for worship would continue to frustrate what he described as domestic and foreign opponents.
Erdoğan’s foreword
Erdoğan also wrote the foreword to a newly published trilingual collection on Hagia Sophia, released Friday by Demirören Publishing in Turkish, English and Arabic.
In the foreword, Erdoğan said he believed Hagia Sophia would continue to illuminate humanity’s shared conscience and cultural memory beyond serving as a place of worship.
“Hagia Sophia Grand Mosque, which filled the skies with the call to prayer for centuries and left an eternal echo in hearts, regained its original identity through the will of the nation on July 24, 2020, in keeping with the spirit of the conquest,” he wrote.
Erdoğan described Hagia Sophia as not only a place of worship but also “a monumental symbol of the nation’s historical consciousness, civilizational vision, strength of faith and the spirit of the conquest.”
The publication, titled “The Seal of the Conquest: Hagia Sophia Grand Mosque,” presents the site’s architectural, cultural and spiritual heritage through photographs and visual documentation.
Restoration enters new phase
Separately on Friday, the Culture and Tourism Ministry’s General Directorate of Foundations said the most extensive conservation, restoration and structural reinforcement project in the monument’s Republican-era history has entered a new stage.
Authorities have begun covering the temporary steel roof erected above the main dome with a high-security protective membrane to allow restoration work to continue safely.
Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy said the project is being carried out under the guidance of a scientific advisory board to protect the historic structure from weather conditions while preserving its original fabric.
“The mosaics are being secured, and all work is being carried out with great care without damaging the original structure,” Ersoy said in a social media statement marking the anniversary.
He said Türkiye remained committed to preserving Hagia Sophia through scientific conservation methods and passing it on to future generations.
“Hagia Sophia, one of the most valuable legacies of our civilization, will continue to live forever with the call to prayer, with prayers and with all its magnificence,” Ersoy said.
Authorities said comprehensive technical analyses concluded that the main dome requires structural reinforcement.
To carry out repairs to the dome’s lead covering and implement reinforcement measures, the existing lead panels will be removed for restoration or replacement. At the same time, conservation, restoration and strengthening work will be carried out on the interior mosaics.
Because the lead covering must be removed, officials decided to temporarily shield the dome with a steel structure and a protective membrane to prevent weather damage and protect the mosaics during construction.
The gray protective covering, selected to blend with the dome’s appearance, was chosen by a scientific advisory board of academics and conservation specialists following technical evaluations. It is made from flame-retardant material that meets high fire safety standards.
Engineers also completed structural calculations to ensure the temporary roof could withstand its weight and wind loads without affecting the monument.
Officials said the temporary protection system was carefully designed to avoid damaging the building’s historic fabric while allowing restoration work to proceed safely on both the interior and exterior of the dome.
Hagia Sophia Grand Mosque will remain open to worshippers and visitors throughout the restoration project.
Originally built as a church, Hagia Sophia served as a Christian place of worship for 916 years before being converted into a mosque following the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453. It became a museum under a 1934 Cabinet decree.
On July 10, 2020, Türkiye’s Council of State annulled the 1934 decree that had converted Hagia Sophia into a museum. Erdoğan signed a presidential decree the same day transferring the site to the Presidency of Religious Affairs and reopening it for Muslim worship.
The first Friday prayers at Hagia Sophia in 86 years were held on July 24, 2020, with Erdoğan among those attending.
Ninety lawmakers, led by former Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Özgür Özel, resigned from Türkiye’s main opposition party on Friday, formalizing the biggest split in the party’s recent history and paving the way for the launch of a new political movement.
The resignations came days after Özel announced during his final CHP parliamentary group meeting on Tuesday that he would establish a new political party following a prolonged internal leadership dispute.
Özel signed the founding documents of the new party on Friday, officially initiating the legal process for its establishment.
The new political movement will be called the “New Party” (Yeni Parti). A total of 91 lawmakers who resigned alongside Özel joined the party’s founding board.
The party’s registration documents were scheduled to be submitted to the Interior Ministry later in the day.
Özel also updated the biography on his X account, replacing it with a photo of himself standing on a tractor in the central province of Yozgat alongside the logo of the “New Party,” a portrait of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the quote, “The peasant is the master of the nation.”
Speaking to reporters outside the First Turkish Grand National Assembly building after Friday prayers at Hacı Bayram Mosque in Ankara, Özel said the party had officially submitted its founding documents and received the registration certificate.
“With our 91 lawmakers, we are now heading to the Anadolu Club, which was established 100 years ago under the instructions of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. There, the Founding Board will hold its first meeting to elect the party chair and other governing bodies,” he said.
“By the end of the day, we will have announced the New Party, its Party Assembly, its chairperson and informed Parliament that our parliamentary group has been established,” he noted.
He added that the New Party would participate in the upcoming budget negotiations as the main opposition “for the first and last time,” pledging that the party would eventually form a government that would deliver prosperity and stability.
On the other hand, the developments will significantly reshape the balance of power in Parliament.
The CHP, which currently holds 135 seats, will drop to 44 after the departure of the 91 lawmakers. As a result, the CHP will lose its status as the main opposition party, while Özel’s New Party will become Parliament’s largest opposition force by seat count.
The seating arrangement in the General Assembly is expected to be reorganized, and the number of parliamentary groups will increase to seven.
The breakaway follows months of internal turmoil within the CHP after Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu returned to the party leadership following a court ruling that invalidated the previous party congress, a decision widely referred to in Turkish political circles as the “absolute nullity” ruling.
CHP spokesperson, Müslim Sarı, told reporters on Wednesday that the new party being established by Özel was no different from the CHP in terms of its policies, pointing to Özel’s recent speech in which he said the new party would adhere to the same principles as the CHP. “If you are going down the same path, why do you need a new party?” he questioned.
“It seems like they are more interested in having a seat in a new party than advancing their policies,” he stressed.
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Daily Agenda3 days agoCHP leader Hürriyet and 19 people were arrested
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