Politics
Özel weighs new party but future uncertain for Turkish opposition figure
The irreversible split within the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) amid a legal gridlock is both the beginning of the end and the end of the beginning for Özgür Özel. Boasting a rare success for his party in the 2024 municipal elections, the former pharmacist who made his real foray into politics only in 2009 may finally have a party truly his own. The question now is whether he will be as popular as the chair of Türkiye’s oldest party.
Özel publicly vowed to stay in CHP until the very end and he was the “last man standing” when lawyers of reinstated Chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu arrived at the party’s headquarters with an eviction notice and the company of police squads. As his supporters resisted the eviction by setting up barricades and spraying police with fire extinguishers, Özel emerged hours later from his office, leaving the building in a calm manner but with a grim face. He repeatedly called CHP “father’s abode,” an affectionate description for the family home in Anatolia.
He initially opposed the idea of forming a new party with his supporters, which allegedly outnumber those of Kılıçdaroğlu, but as his options are exhausting, he started voicing the idea more and more in recent days.
While Özel maintains that his primary objective remains a multi-front political and legal struggle within the CHP, he has openly admitted to advancing a “Plan Z” to ensure a backup political entity is fully prepared. Political pundits view this dual strategy not as a genuine effort to offer a fresh alternative to the electorate, but rather as a defensive maneuver by the sidelined leadership to secure their political survival, prevent complete liquidation, and maintain their grip on CHP voters who are more left-leaning than supporters of Kılıçdaroğlu. The rush to build a backup structure reflects growing desperation within the Özel camp as internal party organs slip back under old management.
To bypass the lengthy, rigorous bureaucratic demands and strict provincial organization thresholds required to register a new political party under Turkish law, Özel’s team is pursuing an opportunistic approach by targeting established smaller parties, though these talks of “merging” the Özel camp with existing parties are never openly confirmed.
Building a grassroots movement from the ground up is not a big challenge for Özel as he appears to have the support of “old-school” CHP figures, including former chairs and their associates. Yet, taking over an existing party is far more easier. One of them was the Democratic Left Party (DSP), which was founded by the late Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. Ecevit himself has left CHP to found DSP after a sharp disagreement with İsmet İnönü. DSP was back in the opposition after the death of Ecevit and allied with the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). DSP’s chairman Önder Aksakal closed the door to CHP in recent remarks, saying that his party was “not a place where dirty politicians can be cleaned,” referring to vote-buying allegations that cost Özel his seat.
Switching to a new party with lawmakers supporting him would allow Özel to bypass regulatory delays and immediately field independent parliamentary lists or mount a presidential campaign in the event that the government calls a sudden, early election. Yet, the government and its ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), insist on holding the election in time, that is, the year 2028.
Compounding this backup planning, Özel has recently intensified his rhetoric, signaling that his patience with internal party mechanisms is nearing its end. In recent public statements, Özel openly acknowledged the mounting pressure from his supporters, stating, “The road has ended. I will ask the nation which way to go.” He noted a stark shift in public sentiment, claiming that while 90% of his supporters initially urged him never to leave the CHP, the ground reality has shifted to a 51-to-49 split between those telling him to “stay and fight” and those urging him to forge his own path. It is unclear whether this was his first intention all along and as Kılıçdaroğlu appears intent to remain in office, Özel may use this “public sentiment” excuse to justify a farewell to “father’s abode.”
In remarks to Birgün on Friday, Özel revealed the extent of his political calculations by explicitly removing himself from future presidential candidacy equations, a move critics describe as a tactical surrender disguised as a gesture for political stability. Özel has long touted former Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu as CHP’s future presidential candidate and even opened a “presidential campaign office” for Imamoğlu as the latter languished in jail in pre-trial detention on charges of rampant corruption at the municipality. When Imamoğlu’s chances of leaving the prison any time soon dimmed, Özel at one point said he may run himself for future elections, before changing his mind. It is unclear whether Imamoğlu, who is also stripped of his university diploma (a requirement for presidential candidacy), will be eligible or out of prison to run in the election and Özel has no other name to readily nominate if he establishes a new party, other than himself.
As the Özel camp awaits a decisive ruling from the Supreme Court of Appeals on the absolute nullification case, which removed him from office, his loyalists are collecting signatures to force an extraordinary CHP congress as soon as possible, believing Özel will be elected once again as head of the party. Breaking away with CHP may bring in votes for Özel, but it can also clarify who really supported him and sustain the divide among the voter base of the main opposition.
In all cases, Özel’s political future is at risk. A loss to AK Party in the next election with a new party may shatter his image as a unifying force amid CHP voters disillusioned with Kılıçdaroğlu and decided to support him. A new party will also have to compete with others on the fringes of Turkish politics if Özel decides to create his own brand of politics inspired by CHP’s pillar principles. Without the institutional brand of CHP, Özel’s new party will have little difference from other opposition parties adhering to “social democrat” policies. DSP is among them.
Kılıçdaroğlu’s future
Kılıçdaroğlu will likely cling to his seat at CHP if Özel consents to found a new party. In this context, the new chair of CHP, who initially appeared unwilling to continue as the leader, may try his hand in politics again and even take the party to the presidential race in 2028.
Currently occupied with expulsion of the pro-Özel camp, Kılıçdaroğlu is also re-establishing a new administration comprised of former top figures of the party.
He hinted at the new direction of the party in a recent speech and in his tweets, where he adapted a political discourse almost too similar to the ruling party. The significant differences emerge, certainly, with AK Party but Kılıçdaroğlu seems to be trying too hard to deepen his political divide with “social democrats” of Özel, whose ideals are far closer to European liberal movements than Kılıçdaroğlu. Kılıçdaroğlu seems more closer to the “Eurasia” wing of Turkish politics in his new tenure, adapting a tone that is too nationalist for the taste of the Özel supporters. This new tone brought him closer to the Homeland Party of Doğu Perinçek, a politician advocating for Türkiye to align strictly with Russia and China. A recent meeting with Perinçek and an article he penned for a magazine associated with the Homeland Party show these may be the first signs of a new alliance between CHP and Homeland Party in the future. Homeland’s vote rate is too low, but pursuing alliances with other smaller parties as well can boost Kılıçdaroğlu’s CHP. This can even diminish the chances of an Özel-led new party in the next election.
Kılıçdaroğlu is unlikely to run for the presidency again if he stays at the helm of CHP and some media outlets suggest he may consider Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş for that position. He has announced Yavaş as his future vice president while campaigning for the 2023 general elections. Yavaş sided with Özel during the recent divide, but he never confirmed whether he would join Özel if he establishes a new party.
Officials from Türkiye’s Council of Higher Education (YÖK) and Syria’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research signed a memorandum of understanding on Thursday to advance educational cooperation between the two countries. The memorandum paves the way for the establishment of the Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus, as well as a separate cooperation agreement covering higher education and scientific research.
According to a statement from YÖK, delegations led by YÖK President Erol Özvar and Syrian Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research Marwan al-Halabi met before the signing ceremony.
Speaking at the meeting, Özvar said Türkiye and Syria are two friendly and brotherly countries bound by a shared history, culture and civilization, adding that he was pleased to see the renewed momentum in bilateral relations reflected in stronger cooperation in higher education.
He emphasized that strong and sustainable partnerships between universities would make significant contributions not only to academia but also to the future of both countries, regional stability and the strengthening of fraternal ties between their peoples. Özvar said he believed the meeting would place cooperation in higher education on a more institutional and lasting footing.
Noting that Türkiye would continue providing every possible form of support to strengthen Syria’s educational infrastructure, Özvar said Turkish universities were ready to cooperate with Syrian universities in every field.
He added that the two sides could work together to establish joint undergraduate and graduate programs and said YÖK was also prepared to provide support in technical infrastructure, digitalization and knowledge sharing.
For his part, al-Halabi thanked Türkiye for its support in strengthening Syria’s educational infrastructure and for the growing cooperation between the two countries.
The meeting also addressed the establishment of joint working groups between YÖK and Syria’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research in specific fields.
The memorandum of understanding signed by the two sides underscores their shared determination to strengthen cooperation in higher education, scientific research, innovation and academic exchange, building on the historical, cultural and fraternal ties between Türkiye and Syria.
Under the memorandum, the two parties will continue work on the legal framework, governance structure, academic organization, student admission procedures, quality assurance mechanisms and administrative regulations for the planned Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus.
Draft legal and institutional documents for the establishment of the university will be prepared and submitted to the relevant authorities.
The university’s establishment will depend on subsequent agreements between the parties and the completion of the necessary legal procedures in both countries.
The separate cooperation agreement on higher education and scientific research aims to strengthen coordination among the universities, educational institutions and research organizations of the two countries while expanding cooperation in higher education, scientific research and technology.
The agreement provides for the allocation of reciprocal scholarships and student quotas, the mutual recognition of academic degrees and diplomas, the facilitation of transfer opportunities for Syrian students, the development of advanced technology-oriented educational programs, support for the digital infrastructure of Syrian universities, the promotion of academic and student exchanges, the implementation of joint scientific research projects, the launch of joint bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral degree programs, and cooperation in quality assurance and accreditation.
The agreement also envisions organizing an annual Türkiye-Syria Universities Forum, to be hosted alternately by the two countries, considering the establishment of a “Sister (Twin) University Program” between Turkish and Syrian universities, and continuing joint efforts toward establishing the planned Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus.
Türkiye has been a representative democracy since its first multi-party elections in 1950. Since 2018, following a referendum that abolished the former parliamentary system, the country has been governed by a president with executive powers. Under the previous system, the presidency was largely ceremonial, while an elected prime minister headed the government.
The President of the Republic of Türkiye, as the office is officially called, is elected directly by popular vote and may normally serve a maximum of two five-year terms. However, if the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye decides to renew elections by a three-fifths majority of its total membership during the president’s second term, the incumbent president may seek office for one additional term. Political parties that received at least 5% of the valid votes in the most recent legislative election are eligible to nominate a presidential candidate. The president does not have to be a member of a political party, and 100,000 signatures from eligible citizens are required to nominate an independent presidential candidate.
The president oversees a cabinet that he or she appoints and has the authority to dismiss cabinet members. The presidential cabinet currently consists of 18 ministerial posts. These include the vice president and the ministers of Justice; Family and Social Services; Labor and Social Security; Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change; Foreign Affairs; Energy and Natural Resources; Youth and Sports; Treasury and Finance; Interior; Culture and Tourism; National Education; National Defense; Health; Industry and Technology; Agriculture and Forestry; Trade; and Transport and Infrastructure.
The president is also authorized to appoint senior bureaucrats and issue presidential decrees regulating such appointments. Ministers are appointed by the president and may be selected from either within or outside parliament.
The president is responsible for implementing the Constitution, promulgating laws passed by parliament, and returning legislation to parliament for reconsideration when necessary. He or she is also authorized to submit constitutional amendments to a public referendum. As commander-in-chief, the president may authorize military operations and issue presidential decrees on matters relating to executive authority, subject to the limitations set out in the Constitution. Presidential decrees cannot regulate matters reserved exclusively for legislation, cannot override laws enacted by parliament, and are subject to review by the Constitutional Court.
Legislative Branch
Türkiye’s parliament is officially known as the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM, its Turkish acronym). It consists of 600 members elected from constituencies across the country’s 81 provinces.
Parliament’s primary function is to enact laws. It has the authority to debate, approve, amend, or reject bills introduced by members of parliament. Political parties represented in parliament may sponsor legislation through their lawmakers, but bills are formally submitted by individual members of parliament.
Parliament also has the power to amend the Constitution. Constitutional amendments may be proposed by at least one-third of the total number of lawmakers (200 members). Amendments approved by at least 360 votes but fewer than 400 votes must be submitted to a referendum, while amendments approved by 400 or more votes may enter into force upon presidential approval, unless the president decides to submit them to a referendum.
If the president returns a bill to parliament for reconsideration, parliament may enact it again by an absolute majority of the total membership (301 votes), after which the president must promulgate the law.
The unicameral parliament is also responsible for approving the state budget, ratifying international treaties, authorizing declarations of war in circumstances prescribed by the Constitution, and overseeing the executive through parliamentary inquiries, general debates, parliamentary investigations, and written questions. Like the president, lawmakers serve five-year terms.
Judiciary Branch
Under the principle of separation of powers, an independent judiciary constitutes one of the three branches of government.
The Constitutional Court is the highest constitutional authority and is primarily responsible for constitutional review. It has the authority to rule on the constitutionality of laws, presidential decrees, and parliamentary rules of procedure and may invalidate provisions that violate the Constitution. It also decides on matters relating to parliamentary immunity and hears cases seeking the dissolution of political parties. The court may order the closure of a political party if it determines that the party has acted in violation of constitutional principles.
The Constitutional Court consists of 15 members. Parliament elects two members from candidates nominated by the Court of Accounts (Sayıştay) and one member from candidates nominated by provincial bar associations. The president appoints the remaining 12 members from candidates nominated by the Court of Cassation (Yargıtay), the Council of State (Danıştay), the Council of Higher Education (YÖK), and from among senior judges, prosecutors, attorneys, bureaucrats, and Constitutional Court rapporteur judges.
The Court of Cassation serves as the highest court of appeal for civil and criminal cases, while the Council of State is the highest administrative court. Together with lower courts throughout the country, these institutions form the backbone of Türkiye’s judicial system.
Local Administrations
At the local level, governance consists of two distinct structures: appointed governors and elected local administrations.
The governor, or vali, is the highest state authority in a province and is appointed by the Ministry of Interior with the approval of the president. Governors are responsible for implementing government policies at the provincial level, coordinating the provincial branches of central government ministries, and maintaining public order through the supervision of law enforcement agencies.
The district governor, or kaymakam, exercises similar authority at the district (ilçe) level. Provincial and district administrations receive funding from the state budget and coordinate the delivery of public services, including education, healthcare, security, and social assistance, through local branches of central government institutions.
Mayors and members of municipal councils are elected for five-year terms in local elections held every five years. In Türkiye’s 30 metropolitan provinces, this elected authority is divided between a metropolitan mayor handling city-wide infrastructure and district mayors, who are in charge of local services. Candidates may run as independents or be nominated by political parties. Any Turkish citizen aged 18 or older may be nominated, provided he or she meets the eligibility requirements established by electoral laws.
The office of mayor is political in nature and enjoys a degree of administrative autonomy guaranteed by the Constitution. Municipalities maintain their own budgets, which are funded primarily through local revenues such as property taxes, fees, and other municipal income sources. In addition, municipalities receive allocations from the central government budget.
Municipalities are responsible for a wide range of public services, including water supply and sewage systems, road construction and maintenance, waste collection, infrastructure development, urban planning, environmental services, public transportation, parks and recreational facilities, and the inspection of businesses. These inspections are carried out by the zabıta, or municipal police, a local inspection and enforcement service responsible for enforcing municipal regulations and authorized to impose penalties and close businesses that fail to comply with municipal rules.
In addition to municipalities, Türkiye also has provincial special administrations in provinces that are not designated as metropolitan municipalities and village administrations headed by elected muhtars, who serve as the lowest tier of local government and act as intermediaries between residents and state institutions.
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek on Thursday hosted the families of a murdered journalist and a police chief whose death has long been considered suspicious by his relatives.
The meetings are part of the Justice Ministry’s effort to shed light on unsolved murders from past decades. Since taking office in February, Gürlek has pledged to seek closure in high-profile cold cases that have remained unresolved for years.
Gürlek’s first guests were the son and sister of Behçet Oktay, the former head of the Turkish National Police’s elite Special Operations Department. Oktay was found dead next to his car in Ankara in 2009, and his death was officially ruled a suicide. His family rejected that conclusion, insisting that he was murdered.
The family believes the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) may have been involved in his death, saying Oktay was known for opposing FETÖ loyalists who had secretly infiltrated law enforcement at the time. Gürlek echoed that point after meeting the family, saying Oktay had been “in FETÖ’s crosshairs” when he died. He added that the case warranted a new investigation, including a review of the actions of the first responders at the scene.
Oktay’s sister, Şule, told the minister that the police chief had been targeted by defamatory articles in pro-FETÖ media outlets before his death. She said Oktay had planned to have dinner at home but changed his plans at the last minute after being invited elsewhere.
“It was three in the morning when we were told that he had committed suicide. The case was not thoroughly investigated, and it was closed,” she said.
Oktay’s son, Burak, said the family had been told that his father died by suicide using his personal pistol, but the bullets recovered from his body did not match the ammunition loaded in the weapon at the time of his death.
Gürlek’s next guests were Şükran Güldal Mumcu and Özgür Mumcu, the wife and son of Uğur Mumcu, respectively. Mumcu was a prominent investigative journalist and author of several nonfiction books. He was killed when a bomb planted in his car exploded outside his home in Ankara on Jan. 24, 1993.
His assassination was blamed on an Iran-linked group, and one suspect accused of planting the bomb was captured and convicted. However, the family has repeatedly called for the case to be reopened to identify the masterminds behind the assassination and apprehend a fugitive suspect who remains at large.
Speaking during his meeting with the Oktay family, Gürlek said the ministry was paying particular attention to suspicious cases from the 2007-2010 period, highlighting the murder of journalist Hrant Dink and the death of politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu in a helicopter crash.
“We are paying particular attention to this period to determine whether there may be any fingerprints of FETÖ. These incidents may have been part of an organized operation,” Gürlek said.
Although Dink’s killer was captured, the full motive behind the assassination has never been conclusively established, as earlier stages of the investigation were allegedly obstructed by police chiefs linked to FETÖ.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday welcomed the submission of the draft law on the terrorist PKK’s dissolution, describing it as a product of broad political consensus aimed at eliminating the terrorist threat, reinforcing national unity and fostering lasting peace in Türkiye and the wider region.
In a statement following the introduction of the bill to the Turkish Parliament, Erdoğan said the proposal was the product of comprehensive consultations and embodied the nation’s determination to resolve one of its longstanding security challenges.
“The Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Cohesion, prepared following extensive consultations, has been submitted to our esteemed Parliament with broad consensus reflecting our nation’s determination to achieve a solution,” Erdoğan said on social media.
The president said the legislation seeks to permanently free Türkiye from the threat of terrorism while reinforcing national solidarity and fostering a climate of peace both at home and across the region.
“I hope this important step, which aims to permanently rid Türkiye of the terrorist threat, strengthen our national unity and solidarity, and reinforce an atmosphere of peace in our country and region, will bring positive outcomes,” he said.
Erdoğan also thanked those who contributed to drafting the legislation and advancing the process, singling out Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chair Devlet Bahçeli, the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) partner in the People’s Alliance, for his role.
He also expressed appreciation to parliamentary groups and lawmakers who supported the legislative effort, voicing hope that the process would continue successfully in the coming period.
The bill was submitted to Parliament earlier Tuesday with the signatures of nearly 360 lawmakers, marking what government officials have described as a key stage in the “Terror-Free Türkiye” initiative aimed at ending the country’s decadeslong fight against terrorism.
The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) presented a draft bill to Parliament on Wednesday as the next stage of the landmark terror-free Türkiye initiative, aimed at dissolving the PKK through the reintegration of former members of the terrorist group.
Two years after it informally began, the terror-free Türkiye initiative took a new turn on Wednesday. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) submitted a bill to Parliament that is expected to further advance the process. The party began collecting signatures from political parties on Tuesday, and the bill will likely be brought before Parliament for further discussion and an eventual vote. Most parties support the plan. Some 360 signatures were collected from the lawmakers.
AK Party parliamentary group chair Abdullah Güler shared the details of the bill, titled “The Law on National Solidarity and Social Integration,” at a news conference on Wednesday at Parliament. One of the articles of the 12-article bill involves delays in sentencing. “Provided that the security authorities have determined that the terrorist organization has ceased its de facto existence and surrendered all weapons and ammunition under its control, and that the decision of the National Security Council confirming this determination has been published in the Official Gazette, investigations and prosecutions relating to offenses falling within the scope of Article 1 shall be postponed. This shall not apply to investigations and prosecutions concerning the offense of intentional homicide committed within the scope of the organization’s activities or offenses committed before June 1, 2005, that carry a sentence of life imprisonment or aggravated life imprisonment. Investigations and prosecutions concerning offenses punishable by a maximum sentence of 15 years’ imprisonment or less shall be postponed for five years, while those concerning offenses punishable by more than 15 years’ imprisonment, life imprisonment, or aggravated life imprisonment shall be postponed for 10 years,” the article says, effectively removing the possibility of leniency or reduction in the sentences or pending sentencing of senior leaders of PKK, including ringleader Abdullah Öcalan who already serves aggravated life imprisonment.
Another article leaves it to the judge’s discretion to postpone the execution of the sentence of PKK members who were sentenced to 15 years or less for five years and the execution of the sentence of those sentenced to 15 years to life imprisonment for 10 years. The bill tasks a board that is set to be established after its implementation with the implementation and follow-up of the execution of clauses in the bill. The board will be comprised of the vice president, ministers, the national intelligence chief and the secretary-general of the presidency. The deferrals, nevertheless, will be subject to cancellation if those whose sentences are postponed commit another act of terrorism during the period of deferral.
Parliament will postpone the start of its summer recess to pass the law, which would mark the culmination of lengthy parliamentary debates, messages delivered by the PKK’s jailed ringleader Abdullah Öcalan calling on the group to dissolve itself, and the PKK’s moves to lay down its arms, which began last year. The dissolution process is being monitored by Turkish intelligence, and authorities have repeatedly said the temporary law will only be implemented once the group’s disarmament is fully completed.
PKK members involved in acts of terrorism will not be covered by the new law. However, it is expected to reduce the sentences of those already convicted and incarcerated, as the group’s dissolution would also mean the removal of its designation as a terrorist organization under Turkish law. Since the 1980s, the PKK has waged a violent campaign that has killed tens of thousands of people. The group’s campaign, aimed at establishing a so-called Kurdish state in southeastern Türkiye, posed the country’s greatest security threat for decades. Türkiye has significantly weakened the PKK’s influence across the region through cross-border operations in Iraq and Syria, while strict counterterrorism measures, particularly in the southeast where PKK militants operated from mountainous terrain, have substantially reduced the group’s presence.
Almost all parties in Parliament support the bill, with the exception of the Good Party (IP), while critics argue that it amounts to a concession to the PKK.
AK Party Deputy Chair Efkan Ala told Anadolu Agency (AA) on Wednesday that the law would not be delayed under any circumstances.
“Everything is proceeding as we expected. We plan to have the law approved before the recess,” said Ala, who served as interior minister toward the end of the “reconciliation process” launched more than a decade ago to resolve the PKK issue. That process failed after the PKK ended a brief lull in its activities and resumed attacks in southeastern Türkiye.
“By resolving this issue once and for all, Türkiye will move steadily toward its goals. The atmosphere and overall assessments are positive. There is strong political and public support. As a result of these efforts, Türkiye will break free from its shackles,” Ala said.
Devlet Bahçeli, chairperson of the government’s ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), who first proposed the initiative, was quoted by Turkish media on Wednesday as saying that lawmakers’ signatures had “certified a 1,000-year-old brotherhood.” Bahçeli was among the first to sign the draft law, and he has frequently portrayed the initiative as a way to “cement Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood,” referring to the PKK’s exploitation of disaffected members of the Kurdish community to recruit militants to its cause.
“This is a win for everyone, for the people of the Middle East, and a step toward disrupting global plots,” Bahçeli said.
For the Turkish state, the PKK is also viewed as a proxy for imperialist designs in the Middle East, serving as a separatist group seeking to undermine Türkiye’s sovereignty. This has been most evident in the support provided by Türkiye’s NATO ally, the United States, to the PKK’s Syrian wing, the YPG. Bahçeli told journalist Sinan Burhan that the terror-free Türkiye initiative was not a political move but rather “a state project.”
AK Party spokesperson Ömer Çelik, who spoke after a meeting of the party attended by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Erdoğan instructed them to take the necessary steps to advance the initiative.
“Our president has given instructions regarding the point we have reached today in the efforts we have carried out so far on a terror-free Türkiye, the necessary steps to be taken to hopefully bring this entire process to a successful conclusion, the attitudes to be demonstrated, the tone to be used, and the unity and solidarity of the People’s Alliance. Naturally, he also reiterated his instructions regarding the coordination of state institutions on this matter. With the submission of the legislative proposal today, the most critical stage of a two-year process has been reached.
“I would particularly like to emphasize that the geography in which our unique homeland is located is full of extremely great risks and threats. Looking back not just far into history, but even at a 300-year history, our 100-year history, or our last 50 years, the threats we face are equivalent to those that other countries face over a period five to 10 times longer and at a lower intensity. In this context, great effort has been devoted to a terror-free Türkiye. The brotherhood of our state, distilled from thousands of years of history, has formed the core framework of all policies,” he said.
Any violation targeting Al-Aqsa Mosque is regarded as an attack on the values of the Turkish nation, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said Wednesday, stressing that regional crises, including the Gulf conflict, have not diverted Ankara’s focus from Gaza, Jerusalem and the broader Palestinian cause.
Fidan participated in a five-party meeting in Jordan on Wednesday, bringing together the foreign ministers of Türkiye, Egypt, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to discuss regional developments.
Speaking to reporters in Amman, Fidan said Türkiye remains fully engaged on developments in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and Al-Aqsa Mosque despite mounting tensions elsewhere in the region.
“The ongoing war in the Gulf and the regional and global repercussions of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz have not distracted us from Palestine, Al-Aqsa Mosque, Gaza or the West Bank,” Fidan said. “If our attention shifts elsewhere, Israel will find it easier to carry out its violations in Gaza, Al-Aqsa, Jerusalem and the West Bank.”
Fidan said ministers from nearly 20 Muslim-majority countries met in Jordan to discuss recent Israeli violations at Al-Aqsa Mosque and possible collective diplomatic responses.
He said participants exchanged views on practical diplomatic measures, while reaffirming Jordan’s historic custodianship of the Islamic and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem.
Noting that Türkiye considers Al-Aqsa as one of the most sacred sites, Fidan said Ankara views any infringement against the mosque as a direct affront to the nation’s values.
“Any attack on Al-Aqsa is regarded as an attack on the values of our nation,” he said, adding that Türkiye would continue its diplomatic efforts to protect the holy site.
On the sidelines of the broader meeting, Fidan also attended the fifth ministerial gathering of what he called the “Group of Four” – Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Pakistan.
The ministers held detailed discussions on efforts to implement the Gaza Peace Plan, with Fidan noting that Türkiye and Egypt continue to play key mediation roles.
He accused Israel of obstructing diplomatic efforts, saying the government had repeatedly undermined peace initiatives through actions that disregard international law.
“We discussed how to respond to Israel’s unlawful conduct and disregard for international norms,” Fidan said, adding that the ministers agreed on a number of proposals to present to their respective leaders.
Fidan also revealed that the four countries are working on a regional vision document aimed at establishing a long-term framework for peace, stability and security across the Middle East.
He argued that such a roadmap should have been developed years ago and said it would represent an important first step toward resolving the region’s chronic crises.
The foreign minister also criticized Israel’s approach to cease-fire negotiations, saying the international community has witnessed a pattern of using diplomatic platforms to advance what he described as illegal policies rather than pursue peace.
Fidan warned that failure to curb Israel’s expansionist policies would deepen instability beyond the Middle East and risk triggering wider international consequences.
While Hamas has fulfilled many of its commitments under internationally backed cease-fire proposals, he said, Israel has repeatedly derailed the process by introducing new conditions.
“Mediators have worked around the clock, but at every stage Israel has found another pretext while continuing to kill Palestinian children, bomb hospitals and demonstrate that it has no genuine commitment to peace,” Fidan said.
He called on the international community to move beyond statements of support and develop concrete measures to ensure the implementation of the Gaza Peace Plan.
Jordan hosted foreign ministers from a number of countries, from Egypt to Indonesia, as well as the secretary-general of the Arab League, for a ministerial-level meeting on developments in Palestine, particularly Jerusalem, a sacred city for multiple faiths whose eastern part is under Israeli occupation.
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