Almost one year later, Türkiye’s top diplomat Hakan Fidan returns to Moscow for a two-day official visit. Fidan was invited by his counterpart, Sergey Lavrov. The visit on June 16-17 is expected to cover a meeting between Fidan and Lavrov, a reception by Russian President Vladimir Putin and a meeting with Turkish businesspeople in Russia. Russia-Ukraine conflict and the Black Sea security are among the top topics Turkish and Russian officials will have discussions.

Fidan last visited Russia for bilateral talks on May 26-27, 2025. He also held talks with Lavrov last April on the sidelines of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum in the eponymous Turkish city.

Foreign ministry sources said Fidan will highlight the importance of Turkish-Russian relations for regional stability and prosperity and will have comprehensive discussions on topics related to bilateral ties, particularly commerce, energy, security and consular affairs.

Sources said Fidan will also highlight Türkiye’s commitment to diplomatic efforts for a lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia, as well as readiness to host another round of talks like Türkiye did in 2022 and last year.

A Ukrainian official said that Kyiv would welcome an offer from Türkiye ​to host bilateral talks, which President Volodymyr Zelenskiy ​has proposed several times.

Kyiv’s ambassador to Ankara told Reuters last month that ⁠it wanted ‌deeper ‌ties with Türkiye, including joint ⁠production in the defense industry.

The minister will point out that rising tensions in the Black Sea threatened regional and global peace and recent incidents paved the way for multi-dimensional risks. Türkiye is among the countries littoral to Black Sea, which had its fair share of stray drones and naval mines from the Russia-Ukraine conflict washing on its shores or crashing into its territories, especially last year. On Sunday, an unmanned aerial vehicle was found off the coast of Türkiye’s Black Sea province of Bartın. He will note that Türkiye’s cease-fire proposal for the protection of energy infrastructure and ports and a mechanism for Black Sea maritime security still stands. In recent months, Ukraine and Russia have accused each other of ⁠drone attacks on tankers near Türkiye’s northern coast.

The foreign ministry sources said Fidan would also highlight Türkiye’s support for lasting peace between the United States and Iran and the resumption of the prewar status quo at the Strait of Hormuz, maintaining maritime security through the strait.

On Syria, Fidan will underline the importance of international support to the Syrian administration for stability, security and development of Türkiye’s southern neighbor. Russia’s foreign ministry said last Wednesday that cooperation with Syria was ​developing very actively and that Moscow was discussing with Damascus a “possible reformatting” of ⁠its military facilities ⁠in Syria. The December 2024 ousting of Bashar al-Assad, a close Russian ally, raised ​questions about the future of Russia’s Hmeimim ​airbase ⁠in Latakia and its naval facility at Tartous. But Moscow has since built relations with Syria’s new president Ahmed al-Sharaa. “Russian-Syrian cooperation is developing very actively,” Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said when asked about reported plans for the creation of a logistics hub in Tartous to distribute goods imported from Russia across Syria. “Within the framework of ⁠contacts ⁠with Syrian partners, the issue of Russia’s military presence in Syria is also being discussed, including in the context of a possible reformatting of the functionality of Russian military facilities.”

Sources said Fidan would also raise the issue of Israel, how its aggressive and expansionist policies threatened security and stability in the entire region and will highlight the need to prevent Israel’s violations of the cease-fire in Gaza, steps to expand illegal settlements in the West Bank and occupation of Lebanon.

Additionally, the minister will reiterate Türkiye’s support for the peace process between Azerbaijan and Armenia and emphasize that peace in the South Caucasus would also benefit Türkiye and Russia. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol ⁠Pashinyan, whose last days of his previous term were marked with escalating tensions with Russia, won elections this month. Yerevan works with Azerbaijan on ⁠a peace ​deal that may speed up Türkiye’s own normalization with Armenia.

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President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan spoke by phone with António Guterres on Monday to discuss regional and global developments, with the leaders exchanging views on ongoing diplomatic efforts and key international issues, the Presidential Communications Directorate said.

In a statement on Turkish social media platform NSosyal, the directorate said Erdoğan told Guterres that Türkiye is working to help establish peace and stability, particularly in Iran, Gaza and the Horn of Africa.

He said the diplomatic opportunity to resolve issues between the U.S. and Iran should be utilized, adding that the international community has responsibilities to prevent the process from being sabotaged.

Earlier on Monday, Erdoğan hailed the agreement between the U.S. and Iran as an important step toward achieving peace and stability in the region.

U.S. President Donald Trump announced Sunday that an agreement with Iran had been finalized and said he was authorizing the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the removal of a U.S. naval blockade.

The Pakistani premier also announced early Monday that the U.S. and Iran have reached a peace agreement following intensive negotiations, with both sides declaring an immediate and permanent end to military operations across all fronts, including in Lebanon.

Both Washington and Tehran later confirmed the announcement.

Pakistan has been mediating between the two sides since securing a cease-fire on April 8, weeks after the United States and Israel launched attacks on Iran on Feb. 28.

Erdoğan also said that the effective continuation of the U.N. missions’ activities in Syria is important and that Türkiye will continue to provide the necessary support in this regard.

The latest developments on the island of Cyprus, as well as the humanitarian situation in Gaza and Lebanon, were also discussed during the call, the directorate said.

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Türkiye’s main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) is facing a deepening internal crisis amid reports that supporters of former party leader Özgür Özel are preparing contingency plans that could include launching a new political party, according to Turkish media reports and party insiders.

The dispute follows a court ruling that effectively restored former CHP Chair Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu to the party leadership, triggering an escalating power struggle between rival factions competing for control of the party’s organization, parliamentary group and future direction.

Several Turkish media outlets reported that figures close to Özel have accelerated preparations for a possible breakaway movement and could announce details of a new political formation as early as this week. The reports claim that organizers have already secured office space in Ankara and are evaluating multiple scenarios, including either establishing a new party or taking over an existing political party with legal eligibility to participate in elections.

Among the options reportedly being discussed are the takeover of smaller political parties, including the Technology Development Party (TEK Party) and the Democrat Party, although no official confirmation has been provided by either camp.

The reports emerged as CHP factions continue to clash over the party’s next steps following the court’s decision and a growing dispute over calls for an extraordinary party congress.

Supporters of Özel have reportedly collected signatures from nearly 1,000 party delegates to force an extraordinary convention aimed at reshaping the party leadership. However, Kılıçdaroğlu’s allies argue that the legal circumstances created by the court ruling prevent such a congress from being convened at this stage.

According to Turkish media reports, members of Kılıçdaroğlu’s circle believe any signatures collected for an extraordinary congress should be directed to the courts rather than the current party administration, citing ongoing legal proceedings surrounding the leadership dispute.

The struggle has also spilled into parliament, where rival factions are contesting control of CHP’s parliamentary group.

Tensions intensified after disciplinary measures were reportedly initiated against senior lawmakers Ali Mahir Başarır and Gökhan Günaydın, both considered close to Özel. Party officials aligned with Kılıçdaroğlu are reportedly seeking to appoint new parliamentary group leaders, while supporters of Özel are preparing their own internal meetings to preserve influence within the parliamentary caucus.

The dispute is expected to reach another critical stage this week as both factions seek authorization to hold separate parliamentary group meetings under their respective leadership claims.

Meanwhile, CHP’s Central Executive Board, chaired by Kılıçdaroğlu, is expected to meet this week amid speculation that further disciplinary actions and organizational changes could be announced, including measures affecting local party organizations and municipal officials.

Reports of a possible new political party have generated mixed reactions within the opposition ranks.

According to party insiders cited by Turkish media, dozens of lawmakers who previously supported calls for an extraordinary congress remain reluctant to leave CHP and join a newly established movement. Several reports suggest that a significant number of deputies and municipal mayors continue to favor remaining within the party despite the ongoing leadership dispute.

Supporters of a potential breakaway argue that a new political movement could distance itself from CHP’s historical baggage and potentially appeal to conservative voters who have traditionally been reluctant to support the party.

However, political observers note that any newly established party would face significant organizational and financial challenges. Unlike CHP, which receives substantial public funding due to its parliamentary representation, a new party would need to build a nationwide organization and campaign structure without immediate access to state financial support.

Adding to speculation, former CHP lawmaker and journalist Mustafa Balbay said during a television appearance that preparations for alternative political structures were underway. Balbay claimed that office space had been secured and contingency plans were being developed to avoid being caught unprepared as the party crisis unfolds.

On the oıther hand, according to party sources cited by Turkish media reports, indicate that nearly 50 lawmakers have individually contacted Kılıçdaroğlu and senior party officials in recent weeks to convey that they have no intention of leaving the CHP to join a potential breakaway movement.

The reports also claim that if Özel were to establish a new party, no more than 60 CHP lawmakers would be expected to resign and join him, a figure significantly lower than earlier estimates circulating within opposition circles.

Moreover, party sources argue that many lawmakers publicly aligned with Manisa lawmaker Özgür Özel have been reluctant to openly express their true positions due to what they describe as intense backlash and criticism on social media.

According to the sources, these lawmakers may continue to maintain their current stance until any potential decision by Özel to part ways with the CHP becomes official.

The sources also claim that, in addition to lawmakers, numerous mayors have remained in contact with the party headquarters and have repeatedly emphasized their intention to remain within the CHP.

Party officials estimate that if Özel were to establish a new political party, no more than 60 lawmakers would leave the CHP to join him. They argue that many of those who might defect are relatively recent additions to the party and do not have deep-rooted ties to the CHP’s political tradition.

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Turkish authorities have arrested 11 suspects as part of an investigation into the alleged police network of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), following the analysis of digital records obtained from a secret witness known by the code name “Garson” (Waiter) prosecutors said on Monday.

The investigation, led by the Terror Crimes Bureau of the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, targeted what authorities described as FETÖ’s “confidential law enforcement structure,” a network accused of infiltrating the Turkish police force.

According to prosecutors, evidence was derived from data stored on a microSD card obtained from the secret witness, which contained detailed records on the group’s internal organization, communication methods and member evaluations.

Investigators said the files revealed a system of codes used by the organization to classify its members according to their level of loyalty and involvement.

As the Sabah newspaper reported, among the codes identified was “SAYA,” assigned to individuals considered fully committed to the group and strictly compliant with its instructions. Other designations, including “DIL 1,” “DIL 2” and “DIL 3,” were reportedly used for members who had joined the group but had not yet been assigned active responsibilities and remained under evaluation and training.

Prosecutors said the code “EA” referred to individuals associated with the group but deemed insufficiently loyal, while “SC” and “SCC” were used for members who distanced themselves from the group or began questioning its activities after the corruption investigations of Dec. 17-25, 2013.

The files also detailed a monitoring mechanism known as the “attendance percentage,” which allegedly tracked participation in meetings held during police academy training. Investigators said some members recorded attendance rates exceeding 100% due to participation in additional gatherings.

Technical examinations further indicated that suspects allegedly communicated with senior organization figures through operational phone lines registered under other individuals’ names. Authorities said call records showed sequential contacts between suspects and so-called “confidential imams,” while location data suggested that some suspects connected to the same cellular base stations during authorized leave periods from police academies.

The investigation was supported by witness testimonies and digital evidence, according to prosecutors. Witness statements reportedly linked several suspects to organizational meetings and activities during their police academy years.

A total of 16 suspects were detained as part of the operation. Following court proceedings, 11 were formally arrested pending trial, while five others were released under judicial supervision measures.

Turkish authorities continue nationwide operations targeting individuals suspected of links to FETÖ.

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National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Director Ibrahim Kalın on Monday emphasized Türkiye’s role in regional security and NATO’s evolving strategic priorities ahead of next month’s alliance summit in Ankara while welcoming reports of a breakthrough in negotiations between the United States and Iran.

Speaking at a panel titled “NATO Ankara Summit: Intelligence and Resilience,” organized by the National Intelligence Academy in the Turkish capital, Kalın underlined Türkiye’s longstanding role within NATO, describing the alliance as a cornerstone of the country’s security policy since it joined in 1952.

He said Türkiye’s NATO experience had passed through three major phases: the Cold War, the fight against the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), and the security challenges stemming from the conflict in neighboring Syria.

Addressing developments in Syria, Kalın argued that Türkiye’s policies had helped create conditions for postwar reconstruction and social integration following the collapse of the Assad-era political order.

He said the integration of Syrian Kurdish communities into the country’s new political framework was a key element of the stabilization process and maintained that Türkiye had pursued what he described as a pragmatic approach to the issue.

Kalın added that Syria currently poses no direct threat to Türkiye, neighboring countries or NATO, while noting that Turkish and Syrian intelligence services continue to cooperate against remnants of the Daesh terrorist group.

The intelligence chief also referred to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s “Terror-Free Türkiye” initiative, describing it as a broader effort aimed not only at strengthening security but also at promoting economic development, political stability and democratic resilience.

Looking ahead to the NATO leaders’ summit scheduled for July 7-8 in Ankara, Kalın said the gathering would provide a critical platform for allies to assess how the alliance should adapt to a rapidly changing threat environment.

He said leaders would examine questions related to NATO’s future capabilities, burden-sharing mechanisms and strategic coordination as geopolitical competition intensifies and security challenges become increasingly complex.

Following the panel, Kalın presented NATO Assistant Secretary General for Intelligence and Security Scott Bray with an oil painting depicting a mosaic panel originally created by Turkish artist Bedri Rahmi Eyüboğlu and gifted to NATO in 1960.

Kalın also said reports that Washington and Tehran had reached an agreement were received positively.

“The news announced last night that an agreement had been reached between the United States and Iran has been welcomed by all of us,” Kalın said.

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The National Security Council (NSC) is back in the spotlight, but not with the notorious image it once retained. The council, whose members include the president, vice president, ministers of justice, national defense, interior, foreign affairs, the Chief of General Staff and commanders of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), recently launched a series of conferences.

The conferences aim to expand the outreach of the council from ministers and commanders to other top officials. The NSC says the conference will help deepen the knowledge of administrators from different disciplines and institutions on matters regarding national security, expand their viewpoints and boost cooperation between different public institutions.

Eray Güçlüer, a staff member at Istanbul Altınbaş University and president of Eurasian Strategic Research Center (ASAM), recounted how the NSC in the past was simply a “tool” to advance the agenda of certain circles instead of the country’s security.

“The National Security Council was one of the most powerful tools used during the Feb. 28 era to allegedly legitimize the mentality of the Feb. 28 tutelage,” Güçlüer told Daily Sabah. The so-called “postmodern” coup of 1997 in Türkiye is known as the Feb. 28 coup, as that was the day when the NSC held a lengthy meeting and ultimately decided to issue a veiled ultimatum to the government. Soon after the meeting, the government collapsed, in another blow to Turkish democracy which already suffered from coups and military memoranda since 1960.

“Because the National Security Council is related to state security, all decisions made there that ran counter to this country’s values, beliefs and culture were framed as if they were decisions of the state, as if they were legitimate, and as if they were related to security. In doing so, a perception was created to use the NSC as a tool, a seemingly legitimate tool, at all times to establish and develop this process of tutelage in Türkiye,” Güçlüer said.

“In this manner, those with backward, obsolete mindsets and foreign-directed mentalities, who sought to generate leverage through tutelage, used the NSC as a springboard and a sphere of legitimacy for themselves,” he added.

Güçlüer stated that only after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan launched the processes to end the military tutelage in 2001, back when the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) came to power, did the council manage to transform itself. “Today, the NSC has attained a position that solely contemplates the nation’s security, acts in harmony with the values of its society, and proceeds along a national line,” he said.

Recent council meetings demonstrate a focus on high-stakes, authentic national security priorities instead of, for instance, the threat of “reactionary forces,” an excuse used by plotters of the 1997 coup to clamp down on conservative citizens simply seeking to practice their faith while serving the public. In the realm of counterterrorism, the NSC has coordinated vital cross-border operations against the PKK, its Syrian wing YPG, the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Daesh. On regional geopolitics, the council formulated and/or reinforced the Blue Homeland maritime doctrine and managed critical energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean. Additionally, it tackles modern hybrid warfare by addressing state-level cyber threats, misinformation campaigns and intelligence coordination.

Mert H. Akgün, researcher in law and human rights at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), said a substantial number of challenges to modern democracies over the past century have stemmed from the efforts of military elites to intervene in civilian politics. “As part of this anti-democratic pursuit of power, military autonomy was carved out at the expense of elected governments in many countries. In Türkiye’s case, one of the most important pillars of that autonomy was the National Security Council,” he told Daily Sabah.

“The post-coup constitutions conceived of the NSC essentially as an instrument for overseeing the government. In line with this approach, the council functioned not as an advisory mechanism assisting the government on national security matters, but as a platform of military tutelage through which military elites held civilian politics to account and issued directives to elected governments under the rubric of “national security policy,” Akgün said.

“The 1961 Constitution, adopted in the aftermath of the May 27 military coup, elevated the NSC to constitutional status and increased the number of military members on the council. The 1982 Constitution, drafted by the perpetrators of the Sept. 12 coup (in 1980), went even further by giving the military a majority over civilian politicians within the council,” Akgün stated.

“It is telling that the council was referred to in certain periods as a ‘shadow cabinet.’ Time and again, the media and the public saw that real power rested with the military elite. Throughout the 1990s and into the early 2000s, the council operated as part of a military oversight structure that supervised democratically elected governments on a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues from counterterrorism to the Cyprus question, from the European Union accession process to freedom of religion and worship,” Akgün also said.

The NSC’s transformation ran parallel with the resistance of the AK Party governments to a return to a past where elected leaders were forced to bow down to an all too powerful military that also enjoyed support from other organs of the state such as the judiciary, as well as the media. Since its first victory in the early 2000s, the AK Party governments have battled threats to shut down the party, a notorious e-memorandum issued by the Chief of General Staff, and most recently, a coup attempt by infiltrators of FETÖ in the army.

Akgün pointed out that many modern democracies have similar bodies established to assist the government on matters of national security. “In liberal democracies such as the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, France and the Netherlands, these councils are composed entirely of civilians. In the United States, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is not a member of the National Security Council but serves as its military adviser. In Spain, Greece and Italy, the chiefs of general staff are among the council members. It is also notable that the secretaries-general of national security councils are predominantly civilian bureaucrats,” Akgün said.

“While the principal function of these councils is defense policy, their agendas are not confined to purely military matters. In the U.S., the National Security Council’s agenda includes global climate change, international economic developments and pandemic threats. Likewise, in the U.K., the council’s remit covers issues such as development and energy security. The same holds true for Italy’s equivalent body, the Supreme Council of Defense,” Akgün said.

Akgün stated that the NSC was normalized through constitutional and legal reforms. “These reforms made clear that the council’s decisions were advisory in nature, opened the way for a civilian to be appointed as its secretary-general, and abolished the NSC’s authority over political matters and civilian institutions. Finally, the 2017 constitutional amendment removed the commander of the gendarmerie from the council. Through these steps, the NSC was transformed from a platform of military-civilian confrontation that repeatedly generated systemic problems into an institution focused on national and international security. Today, it is no longer a source of political crises but functions as a stabilizing mechanism in the face of multidimensional threats,” Akgün said.

Speaking at the inauguration of NSC conferences on June 9, President Erdoğan said the transformation of the NSC was one of the symbols of the “silent revolution in state administration.”

“I find it very valuable, not only for Turkish democracy but also for Türkiye’s national security, that our general secretariat has been freed from these tasks that distracted its attention and energy, allowing it to focus on its core duties. By making the best use of the advantages that (executive presidency system) has brought to our state administration and decision-making processes, we will, God willing, continue to add strength to Türkiye’s power,” Erdoğan said.