Politics
Türkiye codifies sphere of influence in Blue Homeland
A new draft bill for Türkiye’s maritime rights is expected to be presented to Parliament in weeks. Aiming to cover all legal aspects of what Türkiye calls the “Blue Homeland,” or maritime areas where the country has sovereignty, it will cement and clarify the rights across Black Sea, Aegean Sea, Mediterranean, as well as the Marmara Sea.
Safeguarding the Blue Homeland rights is essential for Ankara, especially at a time of growing international cooperation, particularly with Israel, for Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration, whose maritime claims contradict those of Türkiye and other countries.
Hüseyin Fazla, founder and director of Strategic Research Centre (STRASAM) and a retired air force brigadier general, says the bill will be a valuable work to merge all relevant regulations under one framework and further institutionalize Türkiye’s maritime rights.
The bill was introduced to the public on May 12 at a press conference organized by Ankara University’s National Center for the Sea and Maritime Law (DEHUKAM), the main body that prepares maritime maps to support Türkiye’s maritime jurisdiction policies. Professor Çağrı Erhan, acting chair of the Turkish Presidency’s Board of Security and Foreign Policies, told the press conference that maritime laws have been dynamic and Türkiye needed to follow developments in the laws. He said the draft bill was not specifically aimed at any country.
“We are talking about a text based on the rights and interests of the Turkish nation. Other countries may believe that the world belongs to them only. We do not heed what they are worried about,” he said, in thinly veiled remarks against Greece.
Fazla says the press conference was an indicator of a turning point in Türkiye’s maritime vision, and the bill would grant authority to Parliament, but mostly to the presidency, for executing the maritime rights.
As expected, the talk of a draft bill angered Greece, which has disputed Türkiye’s rights, particularly in the Aegean, for decades. Indeed, both Ankara and Athens agree that this might be the sole dispute that may take more time to resolve than others between two neighbors with a history of hostilities. They reached out to each other in the past decade, with more visits by leaders and warming diplomatic ties, but no tangible progress has been made on maritime disputes. Instead, Türkiye has witnessed Greece and Greek Cypriots on the divided island of Cyprus; how they cohabited with the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), engaging in more cooperation with countries like Israel, a major foe of Türkiye, on defense and other critical fields. In light of these developments, Blue Homeland rights became a more crucial issue.
“I think the work on the bill is very beneficial for raising awareness of the issue among politicians, the army, the bureaucracy and the public. It ultimately aims to protect Türkiye’s rights and interests. Nevertheless, this has an international dimension too, and it would be important to see the international reaction,” Fazla told Daily Sabah.
Over the past century, the Republic of Türkiye has been at odds with its neighbors over maritime rights. Similarly, Greece invoked international laws that are also supposed to protect the rights of Türkiye. Fazla says the draft bill brings a fresh point of view to “a mechanism where Türkiye strived to maintain control over its maritime jurisdiction through various laws and regulations,” noting that it was significant to amalgamate steps on the issues regarding continental shelf, exclusive economic zones, etc. He added that the draft also included the definition of internal bodies of water, such as the Çanakkale Strait, Marmara Sea and Bosporus, and this was another significant aspect of the bill. “This, on the other hand, does not contradict the Treaty of Montreaux and rather, it is a viewpoint reinforcing Türkiye’s sovereign rights,” he said.
Signed on July 20, 1936, at the Montreaux Palace in Switzerland, the treaty gives Türkiye permission to remilitarize the Bosporus and Çanakkale Strait. It came into effect on Nov. 9, 1936, and was registered in the League of Nations Treaty Series on Dec. 11, 1936. It gives Türkiye control over the Bosporus and Çanakkale Strait and regulates the transit of naval warships. The convention guarantees free passage to civilian vessels in times of peace and restricts the passage of naval ships that do not belong to littoral Black Sea states. Fazla said it was not right to describe it as a violation of the treaty while it was simply a redefinition of the legal framework.
Last Thursday, Greek Foreign Minister George Gerapetritis said that Türkiye’s bill was “an unilateral attempt outside the framework of international law” and would “fail.” He stated that it would not have “any international enforcement” and added that the international law, including the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) should prevail over “domestic visions.” Türkiye is not a party to the 1982 convention and defends that the convention’s certain provisions are not based on the principle of equity.
Filling the gaps
Fazla said he believed that the new law would fill the gaps in Türkiye’s attempts to assert its maritime rights and zone of influence. This is essential, according to Fazla, on several levels. One of them is hydrocarbon exploration. As a matter of fact, sovereign rights are intricately linked to the right to access to underwater resources. He pointed out Greece’s declaration of intent to extend its territorial waters from 6 nautical miles to 12 nautical miles and how it brought about several disputes. “But the real issue is beyond that and is now more focused on exclusive economic zones, especially access to hydrocarbon resources,” Fazla said. He recalled the emergence of several oil exploration areas in 2007, south of Cyprus, and how the Greek Cypriot administration declared issuing licenses for 13 areas of oil exploration, including five within the Turkish continental shelf.
“They de facto seized these areas and brought in multiple actors such as Noble Energy. They made deals with Egypt. In 2003, Turkish Foreign Ministry warned Egypt but their relations thrived and in February 2003, Egypt and the Greek Cypriot administration reached a deal. They sought to safeguard their own interests in the Eastern Mediterranean,” he said.
On the legal history of maritime disputes, Fazla noted that Türkiye has also not been a party to the 1958 Convention on the Continental Shelf adopted in Geneva but all developments regarding the maritime issues affected Türkiye to an extent. “Conventionally, Türkiye’s territorial waters are designated as extending 6 nautical miles, specifically in the Aegean, but it is practiced as 12 miles in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. This is, however, a ‘practice,’ a customary designation. In 1964, Türkiye enacted Law No. 476 and established the breadth of its territorial waters as 6 nautical miles. It does not specify any seas. Therefore, Türkiye, for instance, has no strict delimitation in the Black Sea. Having the breadth of 12 miles in the Black Sea has been viewed as acceptable in terms of Türkiye’s rights and interests,” he said. Fazla noted that Türkiye then enacted the Territorial Waters Law or Law No. 2674 in 1982, and this also established the breadth of territorial waters as 6 miles in the Aegean.
He noted that the new bill will likely combine what is practiced and what was defined in the law and bring about more clarity to the issue. “It will help define our policies,” he underlined.
Türkiye has been adamant in safeguarding its rights in territorial waters, something that has been most vivid in a 1995 resolution passed by the Turkish Parliament, mentioned by Fazla. On June 8 that year, Parliament declared that any unilateral extension of the Greek territorial waters beyond 6 nautical miles in the Aegean Sea would be a casus belli or a cause of war. “This is our red line. However, we don’t implement 6 miles in the Black Sea or Mediterranean and 12-mile practice there did not stir up problems with any country,” he underlined.
That “war” Parliament predicted in the future never happened, but Turkish and Greek jets often engaged in confrontations over the Aegean Sea in the 1990s, coming dangerously close to an all-out conflict. Fazla says tensions may linger in the future, especially in terms of the breadth of Greek territorial waters off the island of Meis or Kastellorizo. The said island is just a few kilometers away from the Turkish coast and more than 300 kilometers from the Greek mainland.
Fazla said that Türkiye, however, should keep the parliamentary resolution on casus belli even after implementing the law. “Anything to imply the removal of casus belli may play into the hands of Greece, and in the Aegean, we may have a diplomatic challenge,” he noted.
A response by Greece to Türkiye’s bill, such as enforcing a 12 nautical miles claim, will be unacceptable for Türkiye, Fazla noted. “Türkiye cannot accept, neither in terms of territorial waters nor airspace, a limit going above 6 miles. If the de facto situation is upgraded to de jure and we are severely limited in movement across the Aegean, this will be an unsustainable situation,” he said. Fazla believed Türkiye’s 6-mile claim in the Aegean will likely be emphasized in the draft bill. “We need to embed our discourse on this matter into law. We are seeing a dynamic course in the international developments. The decision-makers need to act swiftly nowadays. Therefore, I think it is correct to authorize the presidency to make swift decisions,” he said. Fazla said the bill may have amendments in the future, but ultimately, it is expected to “pave the way for a structure compliant both with internal laws and international laws.”
“Ultimately, we will switch to a stable law, an institutional mechanism. For instance, the army and the foreign ministry may have different views on this matter but clarifying the matter and authorizing the presidency will be a more correct way forward,” he added.
Regional influence
Fazla stated that Türkiye needed a more proactive approach instead of “waiting and seeing” as geopolitical conditions changed, giving examples of discoveries of new energy resources and creation of new regional alliances. “Türkiye is already becoming a regional power. We have to transform into the role of the main actor setting the rules itself, we have to project our power,” he underlined. He noted that exclusive economic zones were particularly important and that Türkiye should have a law that will not allow others to utilize those zones. “What we have to do is to support our Blue Homeland discourse with a law,” he said.
He pointed out Türkiye’s maritime activities in several seas, from seismic survey in the Eastern Mediterranean to the Turkish navy’s presence off the coast of Somalia, as well as the work on the extraction of natural gas off Sakarya in northwestern Türkiye.
“These activities will likely grow. So, it will be better to define those activities under one law, which will be more beneficial. We have to employ our own ships in our own exclusive zone without any obstruction. The world is investing more in energy security. So, we need to support our new discoveries and developments regarding access to hydrocarbon sources with laws. The law should also cover future developments. We have to have a legal infrastructure, instead of being forced to confront other countries in the maritime activities,” he emphasized.
Among other benefits of the law, Fazla lists attracting international financing for energy investments and guarantees over Türkiye’s exclusive economic zones. “In the end, it will help make Türkiye the land of stability in the energy supply security. It will eliminate the risk of uncertainty. For instance, we will have a framework through the law, for our agreement with Libya.”
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek said Tuesday that investigators have obtained evidence indicating that the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) was involved in the 2009 death of prominent politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, as prosecutors continue an investigation into the helicopter crash that killed him.
Asked whether concrete evidence linking the crash to an operation by FETÖ had entered the case file, Gürlek said: “Of course it has.”
Speaking at Anadolu Agency’s (AA) Editors’ Desk in Ankara, Gürlek said prosecutors believe the incident was carried out under organizational instructions from the group, which Ankara says infiltrated key state institutions before the failed July 15, 2016 coup attempt.
Yazıcıoğlu, founder and former chair of the Great Unity Party (BBP), died along with five others when their helicopter crashed in the southern province of Kahramanmaraş in March 2009.
Gürlek cited several pieces of evidence investigators are examining, including alleged contacts involving a military pilot and Adil Öksüz, a key suspect accused of helping organize the 2016 coup attempt.
He also cited phone records, meetings allegedly held with the group’s covert operatives and messages on ByLock, an encrypted messaging application widely used by FETÖ members.
According to Gürlek, one ByLock exchange referring to the incident said it had been carried out “as easily as pulling a hair from butter” and that the group’s leader was “very pleased.”
Gürlek said arrests were made during an initial operation and that Ankara prosecutors have since carried out a second operation. The investigation remains underway.
The minister also addressed a reopened investigation into the 2011 death of former National Intelligence Organization (MİT) officer Kaşif Kozinoğlu in Silivri prison.
Kozinoğlu’s death was initially recorded as a heart attack, but Gürlek said investigators now have findings suggesting he may have died following an intervention rather than from natural causes.
His remains have been exhumed as part of the investigation, while the Forensic Medicine Institute has yet to issue its final report. Nine suspects are currently jailed pending trial in the case, according to the minister.
The minister further said the Justice Ministry’s department investigating unresolved crimes has reviewed around 640 cases and that 56 previously unresolved cases have so far been solved.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday received the family of Hind Rajab, the 6-year-old Palestinian girl ruthlessly killed in an Israeli attack in Gaza, at the Presidential Complex in Ankara.
Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy was also present during the closed-door meeting, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.
The president hosted the family in December 2025, when they came to Türkiye to attend the screening of the Voice of Hind Rajab movie.
Hind’s tragic death has drawn international attention amid Israel’s genocidal attacks in Gaza, which have resulted in widespread civilian casualties.
The Israeli military admitted to firing at the family car carrying Rajab, four of her cousins and her aunt and uncle as they fled an Israeli invasion of Gaza City.
As gunfire sprayed around them, Rajab’s cousin, 15-year-old Layan Hamada, called the Palestinian Red Crescent paramedic center, telling them that a tank was approaching and her family had been killed. Seconds later, more gunshots were heard, and Layan’s screaming stopped, according to the Red Crescent recording of the call.
Palestinian paramedics dispatched an ambulance to rescue Rajab, the sole survivor, and stayed on the line until contact was lost. Rajab, her five relatives and two medics from the ambulance were found dead 12 days later.
The military admitted that troops had fired toward that ambulance, killing the two medics.
A curt statement followed an Oct. 5 meeting of ministers and army chiefs in Riyadh on the Mecca Joint Defense Alliance. The Strategic Political and Defense Committee of the alliance, in its second meeting after an Istanbul gathering, decided to deploy military forces and capabilities to Saudi Arabia. The move is the most concrete step since the agreement was signed in August by top officials of Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, to showcase the impact of the alliance in the broader region. Experts say the alliance remains focused on defense amid tensions between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis in Yemen, which stepped up attacks on the kingdom.
The Sabah newspaper reported on Wednesday that Türkiye would provide low- and medium-altitude aerial defense systems to Saudi Arabia along with assistance in drone technologies and electronic warfare. The newspaper also reported that Saudi Arabia was working on setting up a base for Türkiye. A Foreign Ministry official told Daily Sabah that the Saudi side conveyed “some expectations” to Türkiye and they would examine those.
Gökhan Ereli, assistant professor in the Political Science and International Relations Department at Ibn Haldun University in Istanbul, told Daily Sabah that the multilateral defense mechanism represents “a strictly territorial security framework.”
“It is fundamentally defensive. Under no circumstances will allied military assets deployed through this agreement be drawn into the internal combat operations of the Yemeni theater. Their mandate remains exclusively confined to fortifying Saudi Arabia’s capacity to intercept cross-border hostilities. This ensures the kingdom can effectively shield its sovereign territory from external strikes. Ultimately, by consolidating these defensive lines, the pact establishes a robust deterrent that substantially bolsters the broader security architecture of the region,” Ereli stated.
As civil war in Yemen flared up this summer, Houthis spread it to Saudi Arabia, prompting the central government in Yemen to launch an all-out operation against the group this week. Saudi Arabia’s oil and military installations are among the main targets of the Houthis.
Ereli says the unified posture of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan was a result of current geopolitical realities.
“The Houthi movement continues to operate as a profound destabilizing force. They project a sustained, asymmetric threat both within Yemen’s borders and across the wider regional landscape. Countering this hazard is paramount. Furthermore, the structural stability of the entire region remains deeply intertwined with the political trajectory of Sanaa. Protecting the fundamental welfare of the Yemeni people and ensuring the survival of their legitimate political authority are not merely localized objectives. They serve as indispensable prerequisites for achieving durable regional peace and preventing further systemic fragmentation,” he said.
Critical threshold
Yusuf Bahadır Keskin, assistant professor at Amasya University Social and Strategic Research Center (AÜSSAM), says the alliance was at a “critical threshold,” citing the clause of the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, which says an attack on one party would be viewed as an attack on all sides of the agreement.
“Nowadays, we witness that this won’t remain on paper. Houthis crossed a boundary here. Though they deny it, we saw attacks targeting the infrastructure of sacred sites. We see attacks on oil facilities and military bases in Saudi Arabia. This is beyond a mere border issue. It is an overall threat to the security of the kingdom and the region,” Keskin said.
He stated that Houthis’ aggression toward the legitimate government in Yemen was also unacceptable for the wider region. “Even though attacks on Saudi Arabia may cease at one point, it is not realistic to expect the situation to calm down in the short run,” he stressed.
Keskin highlighted that the Mecca alliance openly demonstrated that it would take “active responsibility in defense of Saudi Arabia” through the message given in Riyadh during the meeting of foreign and defense ministers and military officials on Monday.
“At this stage, the alliance’s strategy toward the Houthis should be understood primarily in terms of deterrence and defense support. Looking at the statements, there is no promise or plan for a ground operation inside Yemen or a joint offensive. The focus is clear: defending the kingdom’s territory. But there is another side to this. If the deterrence messages are ignored, the Houthis will have to face a much tougher intervention. In other words, the door is not closed, but the sequence is clear,” he underlined.
“Ankara and Islamabad could concretely contribute in areas such as air defense systems, intelligence sharing, advisory support or limited air assets. Each of these would significantly raise the cost of Houthi attacks targeting Saudi cities, energy infrastructure and holy sites. It would also make any potential retaliation much more effective and destructive,” Keskin added.
“Pakistan already has a longstanding military presence in Saudi Arabia, and expanding that presence could be on the agenda. Perhaps even the establishment of a Turkish military base in the kingdom could come up in the months ahead. For now, on the Turkish side, the focus appears to be more on training and the integration of defense industry products,” he also said.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said last month that the defense alliance was “part of a shared effort to promote regional security and stability.”
In an interview with U.S. magazine Newsweek, Erdoğan has stressed that Türkiye’s broader diplomatic priority was to prevent existing conflicts from spreading and to keep channels for negotiations open.
“Conflicts directly affect the security, economy and stability of our region. At times like these, it is the shared responsibility of the international community to expand the space for diplomacy rather than narrow it,” said Erdoğan.
Keskin says that Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s emphasis on a measured stance after the meeting in Riyadh shows that deterrence and a diplomatic solution are “still being given a chance.”
In his first statement after the meeting, Fidan underlined that they discussed in detail “what could be done to resolve the issue (of the Yemen conflict) peacefully and through dialogue.” Fidan said the talks focused both on strengthening the institutional structure of the alliance and on possible steps that could be taken in response to the current situation involving Saudi Arabia and Yemen.
“Diplomacy remains on the table, but there is also very serious preparation on the ground,” Keskin pointed out.
He added that the positions of Türkiye and Pakistan could have a profound impact on the regional balance, both in terms of deterrence and operational capacity.
“For Türkiye, the issue has both symbolic and strategic significance: the security of an ally, the protection of Islam’s holy sites, and the security of the Turkish Ministry of National Education-affiliated school in Abha, its staff and Turkish citizens, with the city located approximately 100 kilometers from the Yemeni border. When these three factors come together, the possibility of Türkiye becoming directly involved in the process, if necessary, will also increase,” he said.
“The latest developments represent the alliance’s first serious test. Since the alliance was announced, the Houthis have effectively been testing it, and that test has now crossed the red line. Everyone is now watching how the alliance will respond to this challenge. If the necessary steps are not taken at this stage, it could undermine the alliance’s credibility in the years ahead. But if it demonstrates the right and resolute stance, the Mecca alliance will have taken a very important step toward becoming a genuine security architecture in the region,” Keskin concluded.
Türkiye and Hungary will hold the first meeting of their Joint Planning Group on Thursday as the two NATO allies seek to deepen cooperation in trade, defense, energy and regional security, according to Turkish diplomatic sources.
Hungarian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Anita Orban will visit Türkiye on Oct. 8 for talks with Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, with the newly established mechanism expected to provide a framework for coordinating the two countries’ expanding strategic partnership.
During the talks, Fidan is expected to underline the importance of a $10 billion (TL 491.95 billion) bilateral trade target as a key milestone for expanding economic ties and boosting mutual investment, according to the sources.
Bilateral trade reached approximately $5.1 billion in 2025. Turkish investments in Hungary currently total about $231 million, while Hungarian investments in Türkiye stand at about $35 million. Around 300 Turkish companies operate in Hungary, while nearly 100 Hungarian-capital companies are active in Türkiye.
Fidan is also expected to highlight cooperation in energy, transportation and connectivity and express Ankara’s interest in developing new joint projects.
Defense cooperation will feature prominently in the discussions, with Fidan expected to stress the importance of further developing military and defense industry ties between the two NATO allies based on shared interests and objectives.
The ministers are also expected to discuss Türkiye-European Union relations, including Ankara’s calls for the modernization of the customs union, progress in the visa liberalization dialogue and its long-running EU membership process.
The Turkish minister is expected to argue that Europe’s security cannot be considered separately from Türkiye’s capabilities and emphasize Ankara’s expectation of being effectively included in EU security and defense initiatives.
The talks are also expected to cover Hungary’s support for Türkiye’s EU accession process and Budapest’s engagement with the Organization of Turkic States, where Ankara views Hungary as playing an important role in strengthening interaction between Europe and the Turkic world.
Orban and Fidan are expected to exchange views on major regional and international developments, including the Russia-Ukraine war, Gaza and Palestine, the Balkans, Iran and developments surrounding the Strait of Hormuz.
Türkiye and Hungary established their High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council in 2013, elevating bilateral ties to a strategic partnership. Relations were upgraded to an “enhanced strategic partnership” during the council’s sixth meeting in Budapest in 2023.
The Joint Planning Group was established at the council’s seventh meeting in Istanbul on Dec. 8, 2025. Co-chaired by the two countries’ foreign ministers, the group is tasked with coordinating the implementation of decisions taken by the council and preparing future high-level meetings.
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli addressed his supporters at a parliamentary group meeting on Tuesday. Among other things, Bahçeli’s speech focused on the political future of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdoğan will be eligible to run for the presidency in the 2028 election, but this will require Parliament to approve the renewal of the election. Bahçeli pointed to this fact and threw his full support behind another term for Erdoğan.
“If our president finds it suitable and Parliament demonstrates its constitutional will, the People’s Alliance (of the MHP and Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party)) wants to have him as its candidate,” he said.
“Maintaining the momentum Türkiye has achieved will be possible if President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan runs for office once again and is elected president for a third term. The third term will coincide with many significant developments in Türkiye, the region and the world, and, above all, it will require the resolve and experience to navigate this challenging period. That experience lies with Erdoğan through the executive presidential system and the institutional structure of the People’s Alliance,” Bahçeli said.
It has been 12 years since Erdoğan became Türkiye’s first president elected directly by popular vote, a period that has seen the country overhaul its system of government and expand its diplomatic and defense footprint.
“At a time when the world is going through a chaotic period, amid an environment of uncertainty in our region and as historic steps are being taken toward a ‘terror-free Türkiye’ and a terror-free region, Türkiye needs to not change course or abandon its goals, but to fully maintain its existing capabilities and resources both systemically and institutionally,” Bahçeli said, referring to the process for the dissolution of the PKK terrorist group that the MHP leader spearheaded.
“Considering the responsibility our president has assumed to date, the leadership he has demonstrated and the strategic capacity he has brought to Türkiye, it would be in the interests of Türkiye and our region for him to serve another term as president. There is more than sufficient legal, political and social ground to make this possible,” Bahçeli stated.
Erdoğan’s chief adviser Mehmet Uçum, who also serves as deputy chair of the Presidency’s Legal Policies Board, clarified a debate over the date of the next elections last month. Uçum told journalists that the elections will most likely be held on April 16, 2028, the same date as a referendum held in 2017 on the switch to an executive presidential system. He also underlined that this would be the last election Erdoğan would be eligible to run in.
Uçum said the elections may be held on that date if Parliament approves the renewal of the elections, something that would require the support of 360 lawmakers. He said the possibility of an election in the last quarter of 2027 was “low” amid calls from the opposition for an early election.
Under Turkish law, an election would normally be held in May 2028. However, the Constitution allows Parliament to trigger an early election if such a move has the support of 360 of the Turkish Parliament’s 600 lawmakers, which would open the way for Erdoğan to seek another term. The People’s Alliance has 326 seats in total.
The government has repeatedly insisted that elections will be held on schedule. Erdoğan, who was elected prime minister in 2003, was elected president in 2014 after serving three terms as premier.
Bahçeli recalled Article 116 of the Constitution, which stipulates that, “If the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye decides to renew elections during the president’s second term, the president may run for office once more,” saying the provision allows for a third presidential candidacy if Parliament decides, by a qualified majority, to renew the elections.
“For President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to be able to run for office again, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye should, at an appropriate time and with the broadest possible consensus, decide to renew the elections. If the renewed elections are held in 2028 within the framework of Parliament’s decision, this will not undermine stability or predictability, and the system will have been operated in accordance with its spirit. With the emergence of such a political will, unnecessary debates will come to an end, uncertainties will disappear, economic confidence will increase, and our country will be able to continue full steam ahead on its path as it takes historic steps. The instability that Türkiye’s adversaries expect and hope for will not materialize, and the calculations of those who invest in uncertainty, chaos and turmoil will be thwarted.
“It should also be underlined here that our issue is not the political careers of individuals, but the continuity of the state, political stability and, ultimately, the construction and revitalization of a leading Türkiye,” Bahçeli said.
Emphasizing that the MHP views 2028 not merely as an election year but as the beginning of a period in which major reforms will be implemented in Türkiye, Bahçeli said efforts aimed at diverting attention from these goals should come to an end.
“Candidacy must be clarified, and the realities of the world must be confronted under conditions of ruthless competition. Alongside the president, the parliamentary majority must undoubtedly also belong to the People’s Alliance, while the Nationalist Movement Party must definitely increase its strength of representation in the legislature to ensure that the checks and balances mechanism functions more effectively. Because if the MHP is strong, Türkiye will be secure. If the MHP is strong, our national unity and fraternity will be strengthened, and our people will find peace,” he said.
Bahçeli said his party’s legislative objectives were clear.
“First is representational strength. Within this framework, our goal is to increase our vote share, raise the number of our lawmakers and become Türkiye’s leading party. Second is institutional strength. Within the institutional structure of the legislature, our goal is to assume more positions in its governing bodies and become more effective. Third is political strength. In this way, we aim to become more effective and decisive in legislative activities and policymaking, and to implement our party’s strategic objectives and economic and social policy priorities,” he said.
“Within this framework, I express the political formula for the next five-year period, which will witness Türkiye’s rise, as follows: Erdoğan in the executive, MHP in the legislature, the People’s Alliance in Türkiye, and the ‘Century of Türkiye’ in the world. This formula expresses our strategy that the legislature, like the executive, must be strong, while also being able to exercise oversight, produce policies and play a decisive role, as well as our determination to become a global power.”
Bahçeli, who traditionally wears a different ring at every parliamentary group speech, was seen wearing one featuring the crescent and star symbols of the Turkish flag and the immortal verses of Turkish folk singer Neşet Ertaş: “You have been my hidden, you are my outward, you have been my first, you are my last,” words derived from esoteric expressions linked to Islam.
Security forces on Wednesday launched two new operations in Istanbul and Izmir targeting municipal officials accused of corruption. They are the latest in a string of raids targeting municipalities across the country over the past two years.
In Istanbul’s Esenyurt district, one of the city’s most populated districts, police detained 17 suspects, including a deputy mayor. The suspects are accused of corruption in certain public tenders held by the municipality and taking bribes from contractors. Two other suspects in the case remain at large.
Along with Deputy Mayor Yusuf Ulutaş, former Deputy Mayor Ümit Ünal and the head of a municipal department were detained in the operation. Esenyurt municipality was run by the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), but Mayor Ahmet Özer was removed from office in 2024 after his arrest in an investigation into his alleged links to a terrorist group. Since then, the municipality has been run by a district governor appointed as a trustee.
In Çeşme, a popular tourism destination in the western province of Izmir, security forces detained 11 suspects in an operation targeting the local municipality. The suspects are accused of running a criminal ring and committing bribery and forgery of official documents. Among those detained was the acting head of the municipality’s construction and urban planning department.
Authorities said the operation was launched following a tip that a municipal employee was trying to destroy documents at the construction and urban planning department, apparently to cover up irregularities. Çeşme’s former Deputy Mayor O.G., a suspect in the case, was already jailed as part of another investigation.
Earlier investigations in other municipalities showed that construction and urban planning departments were heavily involved in corruption scandals, allegedly issuing construction and zoning permits in exchange for lavish gifts and cash from contractors and other businesspeople.
On Tuesday, the Interior Ministry announced that four mayors and an acting mayor had been suspended from office after being detained in corruption investigations.
Among them were Mithat Bülent Özmen, mayor of Istanbul’s Eyüpsultan district; Murat Güneş, acting mayor of Istanbul’s Ataşehir district; Abdullah Özyiğit, mayor of the Yenişehir district of the southern province of Mersin; and Ahmet Serkan Tuncer, mayor of Mersin’s Mezitli district.
Mersin Mayor Vahap Seçer, who was detained along with Tuncer and Özyiğit in a recent anti-corruption operation, was suspended both from his mayoral post and as chair of the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye.
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