Politics
Türkiye’s CHP set for another tense week amid rift
Internal conflict lingers in the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) after last month’s court verdict for absolute nullification that reinstated Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu as the party chair. The ousted leader Özgür Özel and his supporters resist Kılıçdaroğlu’s reign amid rumors of an ultimate split between two camps.
Kılıçdaroğlu and Özel recently came at odds over who will make traditional parliamentary group speech and finally settled to have separate speeches, Özel at the parliament (as parliamentary group chair of the party) and Kılıçdaroğlu at the CHP headquarters. This time, the Özel camp plans to obstruct Kılıçdaroğlu’s attempt to speak at the parliament on Tuesday. The party spokesman Müslim Sarı has announced last week that the reinstated leader would take the pulpit at the parliament on Tuesday while Kılıçdaroğlu sent letters to all lawmakers urging “unity.” Kılıçdaroğlu formally applied to the presidency of the parliament to make his speech but Özel vowed not to allow it. Özel told a newspaper last week that the parliamentary group meeting can only be held if party’s administrative board unanimously approve it or one fifth of the CHP lawmakers consent. The administrative board is dominated by pro-Kılıçdaroğlu figures but majority of CHP lawmakers are sided with Özel.
Kılıçdaroğlu, meanwhile, is scheduled to hold two meetings on Tuesday as well, a convention of the party assembly and the administrative board. The administrative board is expected to issue new decisions for disciplinary action for CHP members siding with the Özel camp. It already launched proceedings with several figures close to Özel, including lawmakers and removed heads of provincial branches who openly declared support to ousted Özel. He is also expected to discuss a petition by the Özel camp for the party to hold an extraordinary convention. Özel is confident to take back his chair through a by-election in the convention and managed to collect signatures from hundreds of delegates for the petition. Kılıçdaroğlu, however, is unwilling to hold a new convention, citing that the party’s appeal to a higher court for overturning the verdict to annul Kılıçdaroğlu’s tenure is still pending. Media outlets reported Özel would also file a lawsuit to take back his chair if Kılıçdaroğlu rejects the idea of a new convention. If the Kılıçdaroğlu administration do not issue approval for a new convention by June 26, the delegates will file a criminal complaint at the court on the grounds of violation of party’s charter.
Özel insists on staying in CHP despite the split between two camps that worsened with resignations and expulsions of pro-Özel figures but he also has plans to establish a new party. Though he called it as “worst-case scenario” sources close to Özel speaking to media outlets say the plans are being developed to that extent and Özel even came up with the name of “March” for his future party. The word is frequently invoked by Özel in his speech who believe that he can lead Türkiye’s oldest party for a “march to power” in the next election, after more than two decades of election defeats to ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party).
Rising tensions
Supporters of Özel and Kılıçdaroğlu, in the meantime, continue trading barbs either in public or social media. Tensions between two camps erupted into a brawl on Sunday night when Utku Gümrükçü, appointed by the Kılıçdaroğlu administration for party’s Izmir branch arrived at the building to take office. Pro-Özel groups confronted Gümrükçü and his supporters and held a vigil overnight amid heated arguments with the pro-Kılıçdaroğlu camp. In the early hours of Monday, Gümrükçü finally settled in and hailed taking office “without bloodshed.” “I am not here to fire anyone but certainly, there will be splits in this process. I am willing to work anyone who want to stay,” he told journalists.
Izmir, Türkiye’s third largest city, is also a CHP stronghold and the only metropolitan city AK Party failed to win municipal elections. City’s incumbent mayor Cemil Tugay tendered his resignation from the party last week, in protest of Kılıçdaroğlu’s reinstatement.
Referring to the legal process taking place within the party, Gümrükçü said: “Whether this legal process ultimately produced a correct or incorrect decision is a separate matter for debate. The party leadership that served before the 2023 convention, and that had previously held positions in this party, was reinstated through a court ruling and legal procedures. This can be criticized and discussed. However, court decisions are implemented, and the consequences of that implementation are now lawful. (The Özel camp) repeatedly stated that they did not recognize Kılıçdaroğlu. They questioned our Izmir lawmaker and disciplinary board chairman Mahir Polat’s legitimacy. When I was appointed, they claimed that ‘the Central Executive Board has no authority in this matter, the party Assembly is illegitimate, they cannot dismiss the provincial chairman, I do not recognize them.’ Then they allowed slogans such as ‘Traitor Kemal’ to be chanted against Kılıçdaroğlu.”
Emphasizing that party problems can be resolved internally if the party is strong, if members genuinely feel they belong, and if unity prevails, Gümrükçü said: “The party leadership made such a decision. The process evolved from statements (by the Özel camp) like ‘I won’t meet with Gümrükçü,’ ‘They are more AKP (AK Party) than the AKP,’ and ‘We’ll offer them tea and send them away,’ to a complete refusal to meet. While we were having coffee before, the doors were shut down to us suddenly. Then, in an effort to ease tensions, we sent flowers through party members, but the people delivering them were manhandled and thrown out of the CHP building. There were attempts to block a possible transfer of authority using firefighting equipment, water hoses, and barricades placed at the doors to prevent CHP members from entering the CHP building. Throughout this period, statements were continuously made that escalated tensions.”
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan was received by Jordan’s King Abdullah II on Wednesday during his visit to Amman, where he attended a ministerial meeting on Jerusalem focused on ongoing Israeli violations at Al-Aqsa Mosque and in Palestine.
Fidan met with the Jordanian monarch in the capital Amman, the Foreign Ministry said.
No further information on the meeting was as yet provided.
During the meeting, Fidan said nearly 20 Islamic countries discussed “collective measures” against Israel’s recent violations at Al-Aqsa Mosque, stressing that regional crises should not distract international attention from developments in the occupied Palestinian territories.
On the sidelines of the broader meeting, Fidan also attended the fifth ministerial gathering of what he called the “Group of Four” – Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Pakistan.
Fidan said the participants focused exclusively on recent Israeli actions targeting Al-Aqsa Mosque, as he reiterated Türkiye’s determined stance regarding Palestine. He noted that regional crises, including the Gulf conflict, have not diverted Ankara’s focus from Gaza, Jerusalem and the broader Palestinian cause.
Delivering bribes in chocolate boxes appears to be a common tactic at municipalities run by the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP). An investigation into Ankara’s Etimesgut Municipality, whose mayor and top officials were recently arrested on corruption charges, revealed that the same method was allegedly used there.
Eyewitness accounts indicate that Etimesgut Deputy Mayor Mutlu Kerimoğlu received a chocolate box containing $1.2 million (TL 57.11 million) from a construction company in exchange for awarding the rights to a vacant municipally owned lot for development. A contractor questioned in a corruption probe centered on Istanbul’s Üsküdar Municipality had earlier confessed to delivering about $300,000 to a municipal employee inside a chocolate box in exchange for securing a building permit. Similarly, the deputy mayor of Antalya’s Manavgat Municipality was arrested last year after he was caught on camera allegedly receiving a baklava box filled with cash as a bribe.
The investigation into alleged corruption at Etimesgut municipality also exposed additional methods allegedly used by suspects to cover up their activities and intimidate people seeking to do business with the municipality into paying bribes upfront.
Hüdaver Alkaya, a contractor who cooperated with investigators, admitted to bribing Ozan Yiğit, a member of the Etimesgut Municipal Assembly, to secure a permit for a housing development. Alkaya told investigators that he visited Yiğit at his office in the municipality, where they met in a separate private room accessible only through a concealed entrance. There, he said, he handed Yiğit TL 1 million in bribe money. About a week later, he received the permit he had long sought.
The allegations in the Etimesgut corruption case also describe how a contractor allegedly agreed to pay TL 250 million in exchange for building permits after meeting with senior municipal officials. An audio recording included in the investigation allegedly captured a contractor being urged to “donate” money to the municipality in exchange for permits, while another contractor was allegedly told to “donate” computers and televisions to the municipality in return for obtaining permits.
Tuncay Karadeniz, a businessperson seeking to lease a municipally owned parking lot, told investigators that he contacted Ozan Yiğit and paid him $8,000. He claimed that Mayor Erdal Beşikçioğlu then entered the room where he was meeting with Yiğit, asked how much he had paid, and instructed him to pay TL 1.5 million for the lease.
Uğur Şanalan, an event organizer, told investigators that municipal officials demanded exorbitant fees for the use of a public venue for a concert. When he was unable to pay, he said, the municipality dispatched excavators and trucks to the venue to block the event, ultimately forcing him to cancel the concert.
Officials from Türkiye’s Council of Higher Education (YÖK) and Syria’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research signed a memorandum of understanding on Thursday to advance educational cooperation between the two countries. The memorandum paves the way for the establishment of the Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus, as well as a separate cooperation agreement covering higher education and scientific research.
According to a statement from YÖK, delegations led by YÖK President Erol Özvar and Syrian Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research Marwan al-Halabi met before the signing ceremony.
Speaking at the meeting, Özvar said Türkiye and Syria are two friendly and brotherly countries bound by a shared history, culture and civilization, adding that he was pleased to see the renewed momentum in bilateral relations reflected in stronger cooperation in higher education.
He emphasized that strong and sustainable partnerships between universities would make significant contributions not only to academia but also to the future of both countries, regional stability and the strengthening of fraternal ties between their peoples. Özvar said he believed the meeting would place cooperation in higher education on a more institutional and lasting footing.
Noting that Türkiye would continue providing every possible form of support to strengthen Syria’s educational infrastructure, Özvar said Turkish universities were ready to cooperate with Syrian universities in every field.
He added that the two sides could work together to establish joint undergraduate and graduate programs and said YÖK was also prepared to provide support in technical infrastructure, digitalization and knowledge sharing.
For his part, al-Halabi thanked Türkiye for its support in strengthening Syria’s educational infrastructure and for the growing cooperation between the two countries.
The meeting also addressed the establishment of joint working groups between YÖK and Syria’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research in specific fields.
The memorandum of understanding signed by the two sides underscores their shared determination to strengthen cooperation in higher education, scientific research, innovation and academic exchange, building on the historical, cultural and fraternal ties between Türkiye and Syria.
Under the memorandum, the two parties will continue work on the legal framework, governance structure, academic organization, student admission procedures, quality assurance mechanisms and administrative regulations for the planned Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus.
Draft legal and institutional documents for the establishment of the university will be prepared and submitted to the relevant authorities.
The university’s establishment will depend on subsequent agreements between the parties and the completion of the necessary legal procedures in both countries.
The separate cooperation agreement on higher education and scientific research aims to strengthen coordination among the universities, educational institutions and research organizations of the two countries while expanding cooperation in higher education, scientific research and technology.
The agreement provides for the allocation of reciprocal scholarships and student quotas, the mutual recognition of academic degrees and diplomas, the facilitation of transfer opportunities for Syrian students, the development of advanced technology-oriented educational programs, support for the digital infrastructure of Syrian universities, the promotion of academic and student exchanges, the implementation of joint scientific research projects, the launch of joint bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral degree programs, and cooperation in quality assurance and accreditation.
The agreement also envisions organizing an annual Türkiye-Syria Universities Forum, to be hosted alternately by the two countries, considering the establishment of a “Sister (Twin) University Program” between Turkish and Syrian universities, and continuing joint efforts toward establishing the planned Syria-Türkiye University in Damascus.
Türkiye has been a representative democracy since its first multi-party elections in 1950. Since 2018, following a referendum that abolished the former parliamentary system, the country has been governed by a president with executive powers. Under the previous system, the presidency was largely ceremonial, while an elected prime minister headed the government.
The President of the Republic of Türkiye, as the office is officially called, is elected directly by popular vote and may normally serve a maximum of two five-year terms. However, if the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye decides to renew elections by a three-fifths majority of its total membership during the president’s second term, the incumbent president may seek office for one additional term. Political parties that received at least 5% of the valid votes in the most recent legislative election are eligible to nominate a presidential candidate. The president does not have to be a member of a political party, and 100,000 signatures from eligible citizens are required to nominate an independent presidential candidate.
The president oversees a cabinet that he or she appoints and has the authority to dismiss cabinet members. The presidential cabinet currently consists of 18 ministerial posts. These include the vice president and the ministers of Justice; Family and Social Services; Labor and Social Security; Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change; Foreign Affairs; Energy and Natural Resources; Youth and Sports; Treasury and Finance; Interior; Culture and Tourism; National Education; National Defense; Health; Industry and Technology; Agriculture and Forestry; Trade; and Transport and Infrastructure.
The president is also authorized to appoint senior bureaucrats and issue presidential decrees regulating such appointments. Ministers are appointed by the president and may be selected from either within or outside parliament.
The president is responsible for implementing the Constitution, promulgating laws passed by parliament, and returning legislation to parliament for reconsideration when necessary. He or she is also authorized to submit constitutional amendments to a public referendum. As commander-in-chief, the president may authorize military operations and issue presidential decrees on matters relating to executive authority, subject to the limitations set out in the Constitution. Presidential decrees cannot regulate matters reserved exclusively for legislation, cannot override laws enacted by parliament, and are subject to review by the Constitutional Court.
Legislative Branch
Türkiye’s parliament is officially known as the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM, its Turkish acronym). It consists of 600 members elected from constituencies across the country’s 81 provinces.
Parliament’s primary function is to enact laws. It has the authority to debate, approve, amend, or reject bills introduced by members of parliament. Political parties represented in parliament may sponsor legislation through their lawmakers, but bills are formally submitted by individual members of parliament.
Parliament also has the power to amend the Constitution. Constitutional amendments may be proposed by at least one-third of the total number of lawmakers (200 members). Amendments approved by at least 360 votes but fewer than 400 votes must be submitted to a referendum, while amendments approved by 400 or more votes may enter into force upon presidential approval, unless the president decides to submit them to a referendum.
If the president returns a bill to parliament for reconsideration, parliament may enact it again by an absolute majority of the total membership (301 votes), after which the president must promulgate the law.
The unicameral parliament is also responsible for approving the state budget, ratifying international treaties, authorizing declarations of war in circumstances prescribed by the Constitution, and overseeing the executive through parliamentary inquiries, general debates, parliamentary investigations, and written questions. Like the president, lawmakers serve five-year terms.
Judiciary Branch
Under the principle of separation of powers, an independent judiciary constitutes one of the three branches of government.
The Constitutional Court is the highest constitutional authority and is primarily responsible for constitutional review. It has the authority to rule on the constitutionality of laws, presidential decrees, and parliamentary rules of procedure and may invalidate provisions that violate the Constitution. It also decides on matters relating to parliamentary immunity and hears cases seeking the dissolution of political parties. The court may order the closure of a political party if it determines that the party has acted in violation of constitutional principles.
The Constitutional Court consists of 15 members. Parliament elects two members from candidates nominated by the Court of Accounts (Sayıştay) and one member from candidates nominated by provincial bar associations. The president appoints the remaining 12 members from candidates nominated by the Court of Cassation (Yargıtay), the Council of State (Danıştay), the Council of Higher Education (YÖK), and from among senior judges, prosecutors, attorneys, bureaucrats, and Constitutional Court rapporteur judges.
The Court of Cassation serves as the highest court of appeal for civil and criminal cases, while the Council of State is the highest administrative court. Together with lower courts throughout the country, these institutions form the backbone of Türkiye’s judicial system.
Local Administrations
At the local level, governance consists of two distinct structures: appointed governors and elected local administrations.
The governor, or vali, is the highest state authority in a province and is appointed by the Ministry of Interior with the approval of the president. Governors are responsible for implementing government policies at the provincial level, coordinating the provincial branches of central government ministries, and maintaining public order through the supervision of law enforcement agencies.
The district governor, or kaymakam, exercises similar authority at the district (ilçe) level. Provincial and district administrations receive funding from the state budget and coordinate the delivery of public services, including education, healthcare, security, and social assistance, through local branches of central government institutions.
Mayors and members of municipal councils are elected for five-year terms in local elections held every five years. In Türkiye’s 30 metropolitan provinces, this elected authority is divided between a metropolitan mayor handling city-wide infrastructure and district mayors, who are in charge of local services. Candidates may run as independents or be nominated by political parties. Any Turkish citizen aged 18 or older may be nominated, provided he or she meets the eligibility requirements established by electoral laws.
The office of mayor is political in nature and enjoys a degree of administrative autonomy guaranteed by the Constitution. Municipalities maintain their own budgets, which are funded primarily through local revenues such as property taxes, fees, and other municipal income sources. In addition, municipalities receive allocations from the central government budget.
Municipalities are responsible for a wide range of public services, including water supply and sewage systems, road construction and maintenance, waste collection, infrastructure development, urban planning, environmental services, public transportation, parks and recreational facilities, and the inspection of businesses. These inspections are carried out by the zabıta, or municipal police, a local inspection and enforcement service responsible for enforcing municipal regulations and authorized to impose penalties and close businesses that fail to comply with municipal rules.
In addition to municipalities, Türkiye also has provincial special administrations in provinces that are not designated as metropolitan municipalities and village administrations headed by elected muhtars, who serve as the lowest tier of local government and act as intermediaries between residents and state institutions.
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek on Thursday hosted the families of a murdered journalist and a police chief whose death has long been considered suspicious by his relatives.
The meetings are part of the Justice Ministry’s effort to shed light on unsolved murders from past decades. Since taking office in February, Gürlek has pledged to seek closure in high-profile cold cases that have remained unresolved for years.
Gürlek’s first guests were the son and sister of Behçet Oktay, the former head of the Turkish National Police’s elite Special Operations Department. Oktay was found dead next to his car in Ankara in 2009, and his death was officially ruled a suicide. His family rejected that conclusion, insisting that he was murdered.
The family believes the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) may have been involved in his death, saying Oktay was known for opposing FETÖ loyalists who had secretly infiltrated law enforcement at the time. Gürlek echoed that point after meeting the family, saying Oktay had been “in FETÖ’s crosshairs” when he died. He added that the case warranted a new investigation, including a review of the actions of the first responders at the scene.
Oktay’s sister, Şule, told the minister that the police chief had been targeted by defamatory articles in pro-FETÖ media outlets before his death. She said Oktay had planned to have dinner at home but changed his plans at the last minute after being invited elsewhere.
“It was three in the morning when we were told that he had committed suicide. The case was not thoroughly investigated, and it was closed,” she said.
Oktay’s son, Burak, said the family had been told that his father died by suicide using his personal pistol, but the bullets recovered from his body did not match the ammunition loaded in the weapon at the time of his death.
Gürlek’s next guests were Şükran Güldal Mumcu and Özgür Mumcu, the wife and son of Uğur Mumcu, respectively. Mumcu was a prominent investigative journalist and author of several nonfiction books. He was killed when a bomb planted in his car exploded outside his home in Ankara on Jan. 24, 1993.
His assassination was blamed on an Iran-linked group, and one suspect accused of planting the bomb was captured and convicted. However, the family has repeatedly called for the case to be reopened to identify the masterminds behind the assassination and apprehend a fugitive suspect who remains at large.
Speaking during his meeting with the Oktay family, Gürlek said the ministry was paying particular attention to suspicious cases from the 2007-2010 period, highlighting the murder of journalist Hrant Dink and the death of politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu in a helicopter crash.
“We are paying particular attention to this period to determine whether there may be any fingerprints of FETÖ. These incidents may have been part of an organized operation,” Gürlek said.
Although Dink’s killer was captured, the full motive behind the assassination has never been conclusively established, as earlier stages of the investigation were allegedly obstructed by police chiefs linked to FETÖ.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday welcomed the submission of the draft law on the terrorist PKK’s dissolution, describing it as a product of broad political consensus aimed at eliminating the terrorist threat, reinforcing national unity and fostering lasting peace in Türkiye and the wider region.
In a statement following the introduction of the bill to the Turkish Parliament, Erdoğan said the proposal was the product of comprehensive consultations and embodied the nation’s determination to resolve one of its longstanding security challenges.
“The Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Cohesion, prepared following extensive consultations, has been submitted to our esteemed Parliament with broad consensus reflecting our nation’s determination to achieve a solution,” Erdoğan said on social media.
The president said the legislation seeks to permanently free Türkiye from the threat of terrorism while reinforcing national solidarity and fostering a climate of peace both at home and across the region.
“I hope this important step, which aims to permanently rid Türkiye of the terrorist threat, strengthen our national unity and solidarity, and reinforce an atmosphere of peace in our country and region, will bring positive outcomes,” he said.
Erdoğan also thanked those who contributed to drafting the legislation and advancing the process, singling out Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chair Devlet Bahçeli, the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) partner in the People’s Alliance, for his role.
He also expressed appreciation to parliamentary groups and lawmakers who supported the legislative effort, voicing hope that the process would continue successfully in the coming period.
The bill was submitted to Parliament earlier Tuesday with the signatures of nearly 360 lawmakers, marking what government officials have described as a key stage in the “Terror-Free Türkiye” initiative aimed at ending the country’s decadeslong fight against terrorism.
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