Politics
Relics, newcomers will fight, ally in Türkiye’s busy political scene
The elections have been a two-handed game in the past two decades, thanks to the Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) incomparable success. Its main rival, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), fights for political survival amid internal friction and mounting allegations of corruption. Smaller parties continue to calculate the risks of aligning with it in the next election and going alone or through a separate alliance against the AK Party and its beloved leader, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Erdoğan has been a game-changer in Türkiye’s democratic history and has been at the helm of Türkiye’s longest since the founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, as prime minister and president. After more than two decades in power, his AK Party is still ahead according to some opinion polls. In others, the party has a narrow gap with the CHP, while neither of the parties’ rivals comes close. For instance, an April survey by Optimar shows the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) scored 9.6% after the CHP, while another poll from March by Genar indicates the DEM Party can secure 8.9% of the vote after the AK Party and the CHP.
According to the official figures, there are 188 political parties in Türkiye. Most remain functional in name only, while several among them have less than 100 members, and maybe even fewer voters. The abundance of parties is a sign of the democratic wealth of the country, which has gone through three coups and more attempts by the military to interfere in politics. It is also a blessing for bigger, older parties, which usually rely on voter behavior to side with the winning side in the elections, though their loyalty might lie elsewhere at other times.
Some are “relics” not in the true sense of the word, but rather, due to the waning popularity of political views they defended. Those relics also include spiritual successors of once-popular parties. The newcomers referred to in the title, meanwhile, are mostly founded by dissidents of bigger parties, though some among them are truly new to politics, seeking to garner votes from those dissatisfied with the course their old parties took, namely the AK Party, the CHP and the AK Party’s ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).
Here are likely winners and losers of the next election scheduled to be held in 2028, although AK Party signaled that it may be rescheduled to the fall of 2027. Wins and losses, however, can be limited to the parliamentary seats as the AK Party and the CHP will likely dominate the polls again, based on recent surveys.
Key Party
The “A Party,” as it formally refers to itself, was founded in 2024 by Yavuz Ağıralioğlu, a 54-year-old former lawmaker who made his foray into politics in the Great Unity Party (BBP) before switching to the Good Party (IP) in 2018, only to resign in 2023. The party has set out to be a “key” to what it called “a deadlock in the system,” according to its manifesto, a reference apparently to the unending race between the AK Party and CHP. This was affirmed by Ağıralioğlu in a recent interview. He also claimed that the party has become popular among voters of the AK Party, MHP and IP, and to a degree, the CHP. With former AK Party and IP members among its founders and executive board, the A Party inevitably set its politics strictly to the right and its proposed policies, such as immediate deportation of all migrants and Syrian refugees, draw comparisons to fellow underdogs in the political scene.
Soon after its foundation, the party joined the growing list of political pundits’ “third-way parties” in the face of the AK Party and the CHP domination. In the ideological sense, it does not offer an all-embracing approach, but it managed to make it to the opinion polls, scoring slightly above 1% in Optimar’s survey. Areda-Survey’s poll put it above 4%. The party is not intent on being a part of future alliance against or with the AK Party, but as a quote attributed to late veteran politician Süleyman Demirel says, “Even 24 hours is a long time in politics,” and this stand may change in an instant when the election season begins.
New Welfare Party
Often leading or trailing behind the A Party in opinion polls, the YRP proved its potential in the 2024 municipal elections by securing more than 6% of the vote. Founded in 2018 by Fatih Erbakan, son of former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, it follows the path of the late politician, specifically “National View” ideology, something also shared by the Felicity Party (SP). The YRP allied with the People’s Alliance of the AK Party and MHP in 2023 before parting ways after the elections.
Younger Erbakan seeks to build upon the legacy of his father, who managed to rally disenfranchised conservative voters stuck in center-right parties for decades. Erbakan’s “National View,” which also sought to attract voters with wildly different world views, especially through anti-imperialist elements of the ideology, made the now-defunct Welfare Party (RP) a rising star in the politics of the 1990s. The RP is where President Erdoğan honed his political and oratory skills, and the AK Party has managed to attract some of its former supporters when the party was closed and its reincarnation, the Virtue Party (FP), was split.
The YRP did not veer much from the RP in its policies and mainly targeted voters who were adherents of the National View and disillusioned with the AK Party’s changing ways, specifically the widening political spectrum of the party. A rise in the polls indicates that this strategy may work. Forty-seven-year-old Erbakan is among the youngest of the leaders of prominent parties, but age has rarely been a determining factor in the choices of voters in multiparty elections since 1950.
The party recently tried to lure voters critical of the government’s policies toward Israel, adopting a rhetoric that the AK Party was not doing much to stop Israel’s genocide in Gaza and its power in the international community. It is unclear how it may bring more votes to the party, where the economic challenges are expected to be a more significant factor in the choices of the voters in the next election.
The YRP does not favor another bid in the People’s Alliance, but it is open to aligning with the SP in the next election. Though Erbakan is confident about going solo, he also signaled openness to allying with other parties as well, including the Democracy and Progress (DEVA) and the Future Party (GP), which were founded by former members of the AK Party.
DEVA and GP
Although they are separate entities under Turkish laws, DEVA and GP are almost one in their policies and voter base. This eventually led to an alliance in the parliament under the New Path banner, together with the SP.
The DEVA was founded in 2020 by Former Minister Ali Babacan, once a rising young politician in the AK Party. He apparently followed the example of former Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, who established SP one year before. In the 2023 elections, both parties relied on the main opposition to secure parliamentary seats, while they had no dream of having their own candidates against Erdoğan and his rival, CHP’s Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Babacan and Davutoğlu succeeded in convincing former AK Party supporters, including former ministers and those who served on the AK Party boards. Yet, this has not been enough to pass the electoral threshold.
Like the parties above, they can be lumped with right-wing or center-right parties, and their policies do not differ much from the AK Party’s policies in the early 2000s. Indeed, they have more in common with the AK Party than the six-party bloc they supported against Erdoğan in 2023. Their alliance with the opposition will likely continue in the next election, though they may prefer siding with the FP and the YRP instead of the CHP. Defeat of the CHP’s candidate Kılıçdaroğlu in the 2023 elections cost the main opposition party’s chair his seat but also revealed seething anger among CHP supporters against DEVA and FP lawmakers who won seats with CHP loyalists’ votes. The FP and DEVA were accused of being freeloaders who run under the CHP banner in the legislative elections in exchange for voicing their support for Kılıçdaroğlu’s candidacy. This mounting criticism effectively shut the door to another alliance, though both parties still appear to be on good terms with the CHP administration after Kılıçdaroğlu was replaced with Özgür Özel following his devastating electoral loss.
Good Party
Once hailed as the primary alternative to the MHP, IP now floats somewhere between a hub for nationalists who fell out with the MHP due to its proliferating alliance with the AK Party and a stopover or last destination for CHP voters believing that the party is too left-wing for their taste. The IP’s sole ideological compass adhering to the right-wing politics of yesteryear may bring in votes from the elderly voters, unlike the Victory Party (ZP), which appears to lure much younger voters despite a similar policy with the IP.
The party’s membership and poll numbers show a downward trend, as voters who prioritize national stability increasingly return to the MHP or look toward newer nationalist experiments. The party now faces the risk of becoming a “relic” before it ever truly matures, as it struggles to convince the public that it offers anything more than a diluted version of the MHP’s robust nationalism, willing to take risks for sustaining the state.
Party Chair Müsavat Dervişoğlu underlined that they were not open to alliances, especially establishing a “nationalist league” and relying on what little support it has to run in the future elections independently. Any future alliance may further erode the support, as the 2023 elections demonstrated.
Victory Party
One of the youngest parties, the ZP was founded in 2021 by 65-year-old Ümit Özdağ. Özdağ’s easygoing public image and oratory skills helped the party to attract voters at a time of rising anti-migrant, anti-refugee sentiment in the public. A diehard nationalist, Özdağ tempted impressionable youth with his radical discourse, which is blamed for notorious riots against migrants and refugees.
Unfortunately for the ZP, this appears to be the only thing the party is known for. With the end of the Syrian civil war and refugees returning home, the party might lose voters attracted to Özdağ’s narrative of “sending all refugees home immediately by Victory Tourism buses.”
In the 2023 elections and subsequent polls leading to 2026, the ZP has functioned more as a disruptor than a viable governing partner. Its aggressive stance often alienates the very conservative-nationalist base it hopes to win from the MHP and the AK Party. Though it captures a small, reactionary segment of the youth vote, its lack of a holistic platform makes it an unlikely contender for any serious power-sharing in the future. Still, the ZP is among the most willing to form alliances and most recently, called on the CHP to establish one with them for an “Ataturkist alliance.”
DEM Party
The DEM Party does not quite fit in the categories of relic or newcomer, but developments may render it the former. The latest incarnation of a left-wing ideology claiming to fight for the rights of the Kurdish community, the DEM Party holds considerable sway among the electorate, often trailing behind the CHP and occasionally overtaking the MHP in the opinion polls. Its spiritual predecessors have also enjoyed the same success in the elections.
The party’s electorate is strictly confined to Kurds, especially those concentrated in southeastern Türkiye. Despite securing roughly 8% in recent surveys, the party remains hamstrung by its inability to distance itself from the shadow of terrorism, which remains a red line for the majority of the electorate. Like its predecessors, the DEM Party has been a staunch supporter of the PKK terrorist group. A surprise initiative by the government to end the PKK terrorism outside of solely military means limited the DEM Party’s ambitions to thrive on pro-PKK propaganda to attract voters. In the past two years, the DEM Party has found itself in unexpected places: a messenger between PKK jailed ringleader Abdullah Öcalan and the general public, a guest at the Presidential Complex and in the offices of MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, who publicly caught them off guard when he extended an olive branch to the party he once openly despised through well-known remarks in the past.
That the DEM Party and the CHP flirted with the idea of an alliance in the past elections and a so-called “urban compromise,” a not-so-hidden alliance for the DEM Party to support the CHP in big western cities where it has a slim chance of winning, is attributed to the main opposition’s growing success. Yet, with the terror-free Türkiye initiative launched by Bahçeli, the DEM Party has aligned more with the People’s Alliance, at least for the sake of the initiative. The DEM Party’s strict opposition and scathing rhetoric did not change much, though. The CHP or the DEM Party itself may try another shot at an alliance, hidden or obvious. But the CHP will have to risk losing voters who view the terror-free Türkiye initiative as a concession to the PKK.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Wednesday lauded the role of foundations in Türkiye’s culture of charity and pledged to protect the historical and spiritual values inherited from its ancestors.
Speaking during the Foundations Week Celebration Program at the Beştepe Nation’s Congress and Culture Center in Ankara, Erdoğan said charitable foundations have played a central role in shaping Turkish and Islamic civilization throughout history.
“We will continue to protect the values that made our nation what it is, values that reflect the spirit and legacy of our glorious past bearing the marks and seal of our ancestors,” Erdoğan said.
The event, organized under the theme “Foundation Civilization in Architecture and Elegance,” brought together foundation representatives, officials and civil society members at the Presidential Complex.
Erdoğan noted the concepts of architecture, elegance, foundations and civilization complemented and enriched one another, describing Türkiye’s historical foundation culture as unique in the world.
“The historical, cultural and identity heritage we inherited combined architecture with elegance, crowned elegance with foundation services and transformed the foundation tradition into a civilization feast unparalleled in the world,” he stressed.
Foundations, known as “vakıf” in Turkish and Islamic tradition, historically funded a wide range of public services across the Ottoman Empire, including schools, hospitals, mosques, libraries and social welfare programs.
Erdoğan said the tradition embraced all aspects of social life and extended beyond human needs to include environmental and animal protection.
“In the Ottoman era, a person would be born in a foundation-funded house, grow up in a foundation-supported cradle, study using foundation books and even be buried in a foundation cemetery,” he said.
He also referred to historical examples ranging from providing ink to students and restoring shrines to protecting migratory storks and caring for abandoned patients.
The Turkish leader thanked charitable organizations and volunteers dedicating their time and resources to humanitarian work without expecting anything in return.
The president also criticized unnamed groups he accused of targeting foundations and associations while remaining silent about corruption allegations elsewhere.
“Those whose only political direction is money, rent and personal interests target our foundations and associations at every opportunity,” he said.
He added that foundations operating in areas such as youth education, humanitarian aid and social solidarity continue to serve as “a source of pride” for the Turkish nation.
Foundations Week is marked annually in Türkiye with events highlighting the country’s charitable and cultural heritage rooted in Ottoman and Islamic traditions.
The fate of the current administration of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) is in the hands of its former members and the courts in Ankara. Months after several CHP delegates filed a lawsuit claiming corruption in an intraparty election in 2023, two cases linked to complaints are before the courts. In one case, judges adjourned Wednesday’s hearing to July 1 while a court of appeals is expected to issue a verdict in another case that may eject the current administration.
The 26th Penal Court on Wednesday heard a defendant and a witness at Wednesday’s hearing in the case where 12 defendants are accused of irregularities and fraud at the November 2023 election that brought incumbent Chair Özgür Özel to power in Türkiye’s oldest party. Among the defendants are Istanbul’s disgraced former Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu, who was arrested last year on charges of corruption in another case. They face prison terms up to three years and a political ban.
Testifying at the hearing on Wednesday, Baki Aydöner, a member of the CHP’s Party Assembly, denied allegations and claimed the eyewitnesses testified earlier had “contradictions” in their statements. A delegate who voted at the 2023 elections was heard as an eyewitness and told the court that he did not witness any wrongdoings during, before and after the election.
Before adjourning the hearing to July, the court ordered hearing of Adem Soytekin as an eyewitness in the next session. Soytekin, a businessman, has most recently testified in a case against Imamoğlu in Istanbul, where he admitted paying bribes to the Istanbul municipality in exchange of permits. Soytekin has claimed that a construction subsidiary of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality handed out free real estate to “people influential in the election process.”
Onur Yusuf Üregen, the lawyer of former Hatay Mayor Lütfü Savaş, one of the plaintiffs, told the hearing on Wednesday that the case in question does not concern a simple procedural irregularity that occurred at the convention where the election was also held. “Purchasing democratic will is a crime against public order,” he told the court.
He said some delegates were systematically provided with material benefits in order to influence their voting will and argued that witness statements and other evidence in the case file clearly demonstrate the elements of the crime beyond any doubt, and that the will of the delegates was cumulatively compromised. Üregen stated that his client, Lütfü Savaş, acted in line with the rule of law and political ethics without seeking personal gain, but was nevertheless targeted, threatened and subjected to attempts to discredit him during the process.
He claimed that his client acted to protect the CHP’s democratic tradition by filing the complaint.
“The integrity of the evidence in the file makes it necessary to punish the defendants. This is because what is at stake here is the usurpation of political will and the corruption of democratic representation. In this respect, the case has a public, not an individual, character. Therefore, we respectfully request that the defendants be punished, with our faith in the Turkish judiciary and justice,” he said.
Elsewhere, the judicial process in what is publicly known as the “absolute nullification” case is still at the appellate stage. The case stems from criminal complaints by former delegates who voted in the same 2023 election. Plaintiffs accuse several figures of CHP of “impairing the will of the delegates” during the electoral process and call for nullification of the results of the election.
A lower court rejected the request for absolute nullification without examining the merits of the case. Following this rejection, the plaintiffs brought the case before the Ankara Regional Court of Justice for appellate review. During its review, the appellate court requested all evidence and case files from the relevant local courts in Istanbul and Ankara. The court is currently examining all these documents.
If a ruling of absolute nullification is issued, it would render the CHP leadership invalid, potentially leading to the appointment of a trustee or interim administration for the party.
If the verdict becomes final, the leadership prior to the congress, namely Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and his team, could legally regain authority in place of Özgür Özel’s administration. The court may also appoint a temporary administrative board (trustee) to lead the party to a new congress. Kılıçdaroğlu has also signalled that he was ready to take the post of trustee as well before a new intraparty election.
For the ruling to become final, both the appellate and Court of Cassation processes must be completed.
The possibility of an absolute nullification verdict led to mobilization within the party, with Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş openly calling on the administration to “do something” a few weeks ago. Özel, meanwhile, continued his rallies across the country, seeking support for an early or by-election, and rallied the CHP supporters around mayors detained or arrested on charges of corruption. The party may continue its rallies in case of absolute nullification, while media reports say Özel and several lawmakers may leave the CHP and establish a new party.
Details of the inaugural meeting of the Cyber Security Board held on Tuesday in Ankara revealed that Türkiye has a vision of keeping its own data within its borders and developing a security system with locally made components.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan chaired the meeting of the board in the capital. Ministers, the intelligence chief, the head of the Presidency’s Directorate of Communications and the chief of the cybersecurity directorate, as well as the secretary-general of the National Security Council and head of the Presidency of Defense Industries, attended the meeting.
A report by the Sabah newspaper delved into discussions at the meeting, including talks on global cyberattack risks, data sovereignty, AI-supported disinformation and risks the critical infrastructure faces.
Topics of the meeting included the KamuNet end-to-end public sector network, an artificial intelligence shield, steps needed to end dependence abroad on chips and software, protection plans for vital sectors like energy, finance and health care, and boosting the rapid response capacity in times of crises. The report says that the country aims to continue development of national software, hardware and engineering capacity against cyberattacks and defend the cyber infrastructure.
Participants emphasized that cybersecurity was not merely a technical issue but a basic element of national security. They also highlighted that Türkiye should remain committed to elevating the defense of the “digital homeland” to the highest level in the face of globally expanding cyberattacks, data leaks and the risk of digital manipulation.
Data sovereignty was extensively discussed at the meeting with participants, highlighting the importance of storing and processing Türkiye’s strategic data within the country and decreasing dependence on foreign systems. They underlined that end-to-end networks like KamuNet, the national software inventory and national artificial intelligence solutions would speed up the “digital independence” process.
The “Artificial Intelligence Shield” strategy developed by the Directorate of Communications was also discussed at the meeting. This system aims to boost the data security of public agencies, prevent disinformation and set up a strong line of defense against digital manipulation. Participants also stressed that locally made AI chips, software and encrypted networks would further reinforce digital independence.
Participants also talked about risks posed by dependence on foreign software and hardware and assessed that foreign-sourced systems used in critical infrastructure may pose a serious security challenge in times of a crisis, and Türkiye should boost locally made solutions against “technological domination” from abroad. They discussed cyber threats, which have evolved into tools to engineer public opinion, and how psychological warfare elements and disinformation have been more prevalent. They stressed steps taken to ensure special protection against cyberattacks for critical sectors from energy, health care, finance, defense industry, transportation and media. The board agreed to maximize the coordination between public agencies and enhance the rapid response capacity against cyber threats.
The meeting was a confirmation of Türkiye’s ambitions to be an actor in cybersecurity with deterrent power, instead of remaining merely a defender in cyberspace. It also confirmed that Türkiye would position itself as a country determining its own fate in the digital world and a country where any digital infiltration and attack would be costly for its perpetrators.
Türkiye’s Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) will launch its congress process on May 19 in Samsun’s Ilkadım district, linking the event symbolically to the anniversary of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s arrival in the Black Sea city that marked the beginning of country’s War of Independence.
MHP Deputy Chairperson Semih Yalçın announced the decision in a written statement on Tuesday, saying the date and location were chosen to reflect both the spirit of the national struggle and the party’s political vision of a “terror-free Türkiye.”
“The First Step Congress coinciding with the 107th anniversary of Atatürk’s arrival in Samsun carries symbolic significance,” Yalçın said. “Samsun’s Ilkadım represents the spirit of the National Struggle, the reflex that gives life to the idea of a terror-free Türkiye, and the determination for national survival embodied by the nationalist movement.”
The congress process follows a decision made during the party’s Central Executive Board meeting on April 27, with local congresses officially beginning on May 7 ahead of the party’s grand congress scheduled for March 7, 2027.
Yalçın described the phrase “first step” as a historic concept associated with freedom, independence and national unity, referring to Atatürk’s arrival in Samsun on May 19, 1919, to organize resistance against occupying forces following World War I.
He said the MHP frequently uses concepts rooted in Turkish history to strengthen political dialogue and public engagement.
Yalçın also linked the congress theme to MHP leader Devlet Bahceli’s recent calls for a “Terror-Free Türkiye,” describing the initiative as a major political step aimed at reinforcing national unity amid growing regional instability and security threats.
“In a period when terrorism has been used as a political tool and external threats against Türkiye’s national survival are increasing, Devlet Bahçeli’s call for a terror-free Türkiye is a massive first step toward national consensus,” he said.
The senior MHP official argued that recent developments across the Middle East have validated the party’s emphasis on strengthening the nation-state structure.
“As the MHP, we see a strong nation-state structure not only for Türkiye but also for all threatened regional states as an antidote to colonialism,” Yalçın said.
He added that preserving the state structures of countries such as Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon was also vital for Türkiye’s own security.
The MHP is part of Türkiye’s ruling alliance alongside the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and has played a central role in nationalist and security-focused political discourse in recent years.
The third meeting of the Turkish-Saudi Coordination Council will be held on Wednesday in Ankara.
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud will chair the meeting.
Foreign Ministry sources said that the two sides will likely finalize a deal for visa exemption for diplomatic and green passports (passports issued to government officials, senior civil servants and a limited group of businesspeople) holders.
Sources said talks will focus on advancing bilateral relations, cooperation and review of the work of subcommittees of the council.
During the talks, Fidan is expected to highlight the strategic importance of connectivity in the face of regional developments, according to Foreign Ministry sources. He will also highlight that strengthening regional ownership for ensuring permanent security and stability is crucial. Additionally, he will emphasize that Türkiye will continue contributing in a constructive manner to U.S.-Iran talks to ensure they will conclude with permanent peace.
Fidan is also expected to stress the necessity to prevent developments related to the Strait of Hormuz to pave the way for new tensions and provocations.
In Gaza, Fidan will likely emphasize that it was important to defend the two-state solution vision in a determined manner in the face of ongoing violations of the cease-fire in the Palestinian enclave by the Netanyahu government and illegal actions (against Palestinians) in the West Bank. He is also expected to hold consultations with the Saudi side on negotiations for implementation of the second stage of the Gaza peace deal and work of the Board of Peace and to highlight the importance of a more deterrent stand by the international community against Israel’s occupation of Lebanon.
The Turkish-Saudi Coordination Council was established in 2016 and held its first meeting in Ankara in 2017. The second meeting was held in May 2025 in Riyadh. The council is comprised of five subcommittees, including the committees on politics, diplomacy, military and security, culture, sports, media, tourism, social development, health, education, commerce, industry, investment, infrastructure and energy.
Bilateral ties between Türkiye and Saudi Arabia have flourished in recent years, and the two countries have also enhanced cooperation in multilateral platforms. As for economic ties, bilateral trade volume rose to $8.5 billion as of the end of 2025.
Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune will pay an official visit to Türkiye from May 6 to 8 at the invitation of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, with the two sides set to deepen cooperation and hold high-level strategic talks.
During the visit, the first meeting of the Türkiye-Algeria High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council is scheduled to take place on May 7 in Ankara, according to a statement by Communications Director Burhanettin Duran.
The council meeting will bring together ministers from both countries and is expected to address bilateral relations in all areas, with a focus on advancing cooperation between the two nations.
Officials will also exchange views on current regional and international developments, reflecting the growing coordination between Ankara and Algiers on key global issues.
Several agreements aimed at strengthening the legal framework of bilateral ties are also expected to be signed during the visit.
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