A new draft bill proposed by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) calls for life imprisonment for grave offenses committed by suspects between the ages of 15 and 18, in a major shift from the policy of more relaxed sentences for “children driven to crime.”

Leyla Şahin Usta, the party’s deputy parliamentary group chair, elaborated on the bill as she formally delivered it to the presidency of the Turkish Parliament for discussion and voting at the General Assembly.

Speaking at a news conference in Ankara on Tuesday, Usta said the judges would have the authority to hand down life imprisonment for suspects between the ages of 15 and 18 if they are convicted of crimes, such as murder, similar to the sentencing of adults. She underlined that it would be strictly the decision of the judges to hand down such sentences.

Murders committed by minors and gangs’ increasing use of children to carry out shootings have been under the spotlight in the country in recent years.

A series of fatal stabbing incidents involving teenagers has intensified public debate in Türkiye over youth violence and the factors driving minors toward crime. One of the most widely reported cases occurred on Jan. 24, 2025, when 14-year-old Mattia Ahmet Minguzzi was stabbed by a 15-year-old attacker at a street market in Istanbul. Minguzzi died on Feb. 9 after spending 16 days in intensive care.

Just two months later, another fatal stabbing shocked the public in the northern province of Tokat, where 17-year-old national athlete Berkay Melikoğlu was killed.

In one of the most recent incidents, 17-year-old Atlas Çağlayan died after being stabbed during an argument in Istanbul on Jan. 14, with initial findings indicating that the suspect is a 15-year-old.

Usta stressed that the 18-article bill aims to strengthen the protection of children, reinforce the juvenile justice system, and improve public safety.

Recalling that the Parliamentary Commission on Children Driven to Crime had submitted its report, Usta said the commission’s findings were used in preparing the bill.

“Taking into account factors such as the degree of intentional culpability, the motive and purpose behind the offense, the manner in which it was committed, and whether the offender has previously been convicted of an intentional crime resulting in imprisonment, the proposal provides that judges may, at their discretion, choose not to apply any sentence reduction for children aged 15-18 who commit intentional homicide or aggravated bodily injury resulting in death or serious consequences. Thus, if the specified conditions are met, children between the ages of 15 and 18 may receive life imprisonment or aggravated life imprisonment at the judge’s discretion. Likewise, for children aged 12-15 who commit intentional homicide or aggravated bodily injury resulting in severe consequences, judges will also be granted discretion, under certain conditions, to impose sentences with smaller reductions.”

Usta also stated that the age threshold for applying the Turkish Penal Code’s recidivism (repeat offender) provisions would be lowered from 18 to 15. This, she said, is intended to prevent criminal organizations from exploiting children aged 15-18 and to strengthen deterrence.

“In cases where a child commits intentional homicide or aggravated bodily injury resulting in severe consequences because of a parent’s violation of obligations arising from family law, the sentence imposed on the parent may be increased by between one-half and two times. The aim is to strengthen parental responsibility over children,” she added in reference to the bill.

Sentences for adults

Other articles of the bill include prison sentences for parents or other adults improperly storing firearms in a way that allows children to gain access. The bill also imposed a strict ban on the sale of knives and similar instruments to children.

“In line with a child-rights approach, we are replacing the term ‘child driven to crime’ in legislation with ‘child in judicial proceedings.’ This terminology better reflects the presumption of innocence and a child-centered approach for children against whom there is no final judicial decision,” she also said.

“For children who do not bear criminal responsibility, in addition to existing protective and supportive measures such as shelter, education, health care, counseling and care, we are introducing new guidance measures including ‘social and community services,’ ‘protection from digital risks,’ ‘books and library programs,’ ‘respect for the environment and environmental cleanliness,’ and measures addressing tobacco, nicotine, alcohol, gambling, narcotics, stimulants, and behavioral addictions.’ In this way, we aim to rehabilitate children without criminal responsibility more effectively and prepare them for social life,” Usta added.

Usta further stated that a rapid and effective decision-making mechanism would be established between hospitals and judicial authorities so that children suffering from mental illness or addiction and posing a danger to themselves or others could promptly access necessary treatment and protective services.

She added that if a court decides to suspend the announcement of a judgment (deferred judgment) for a child, guidance measures supporting education, social integration, and rehabilitation would be implemented during the probation period.

Usta also announced that, for children under the age of 15, preparing an indictment without first obtaining a social investigation report would become grounds for the indictment to be returned by the court.

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The “controlled coup” lie quickly spread online and, at one point, even found its way into opposition propaganda. On the 10th anniversary of the July 15, 2016, coup attempt by the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), security sources say the contingency plan was created by the group to dodge the blame for their role in the attempt that killed 253 people.

Although its attempt ultimately failed due to unprecedented public resistance, for decades, FETÖ managed to run an infiltration scheme, planting its members into the state institutions. FETÖ leader Fetullah Gülen had once said that having a member in the military was worth the work of “ten colleges,” referring to FETÖ’s global school network, which also served as recruitment hubs for the group.

Before the 2016 coup attempt, FETÖ used its infiltrators in law enforcement and the judiciary to carry out similar operations targeting public officials, including a so-called anti-graft probe in 2013 and a plot to imprison the intelligence chief. It was designated as a security threat following the December 2013 coup attempts seeking to imprison government officials, and authorities closed in on FETÖ’s secret network in the army. The 2016 coup attempt was also a scheme to stop plans to weed out FETÖ members from the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). Having learned that infiltrators in the army would be expelled in an August 2016 meeting of the Supreme Military Council (YAŞ), FETÖ launched its putsch bid on July 15.

Security sources said that Enver Altaylı was one of the individuals who had worked for FETÖ for many years and was behind the terrorist group’s disinformation campaign on “controlled coup” or that anti-coup authorities deliberately let the attempt proceed before intervention.

“FETÖ once again resorted to its well-established tactics of slander and attributing its own actions to others following the failed coup attempt. Anticipating the possibility that the coup could fail, the organization activated its ‘Plan B’ by promoting the allegation that the events of July 15 were a ‘controlled coup.’ The architect of this plan was Enver Altaylı, who for years acted as a proxy for foreign intelligence services and appeared behind numerous operations. Altaylı maintained contact with dozens of fugitive former military officers affiliated with FETÖ abroad and established a network among them. He is also known to have had a long-standing relationship with Mustafa Özcan, one of FETÖ’s most senior and influential figures,” sources said.

Altaylı, an intelligence officer who once worked at the Soviet desk of the National Intelligence Organization (MIT), was sentenced in 2021 by a Turkish court for his links to FETÖ. Altaylı, author of several books and a former columnist, had close ties with Ruzi Nazar, an Uzbek intelligence officer who worked for the CIA, and penned a book about the latter’s life.

During an investigation into his work after the coup attempt, authorities discovered that in 2017, Altaylı was working on a report he called “A Search For Truth” with input from FETÖ-linked military officers, aiming to disseminate the “controlled coup” narrative. The report was eventually released on the website of the Stockholm Center for Freedom, a group controlled by FETÖ. It served as the basis of FETÖ propaganda that basically claimed that the coup attempt was staged.

“The ‘controlled coup’ narrative, jointly produced by FETÖ and Enver Altaylı as the organization’s Plan B, later became political material for some who accepted it as true. This will remain one of the most unfortunate examples of falling into the trap laid by the organization and will be condemned in history and in the conscience of the Turkish nation,” sources said.

The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) stood behind the narrative. Its leader, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who shunned joining public resistance against the putschists, endorsed the narrative and touted it as legitimate, claiming that the government was aware of the coup plot and the coup itself was “controlled.”

Sources say Altaylı was also active in other plots against the government, including the Gezi Park riots of 2013 and the notorious “MIT trucks” case orchestrated by FETÖ, which declared war on Turkish intelligence and also fed the propaganda that Türkiye was supporting the terrorist group Daesh. After the 2016 coup attempt, Altaylı joined former military officers linked to FETÖ to spread the FETÖ propaganda internationally.

“Anticipating failure, FETÖ transformed its long-running campaigns portraying Türkiye as ‘radical Islamist’ and ‘supportive of Daesh’ into a broader disinformation campaign after July 15. Fabricated reports prepared by fugitive FETÖ coup plotters were circulated among influential figures and institutions in various countries, again with the approval of Enver Altaylı. Evidence presented during Altaylı’s trial showed that he acted as an intermediary between senior FETÖ leaders and foreign actors in efforts to undermine Türkiye’s legitimate government. A document recovered from his computer, described as a ‘bloody chaos plan,’ caused widespread shock. Similar documents were also found in the possession of several coup plotters,” sources said.

The document outlined plans to incite conflict among the Turkish people and provoke bloodshed. It stated that all opposition groups should be mobilized to take to the streets, that an economic crisis should be engineered, that international pressure should be exerted to halt the flow of funds from Gulf countries to Türkiye, and that a gradual climate of internal conflict could ultimately lead to a change of government. According to the security sources, Altaylı also acted as an adviser in shaping FETÖ’s broader strategy of creating chaos.

“At the same time, FETÖ’s clandestine structures were also known to be planning prison riots and unrest across Türkiye. In addition, notes dated Feb. 18, 2016, recovered from Altaylı’s computer and prepared before the July 15 coup attempt, clearly demonstrated his support for an uprising against the state and the constitutional order,” sources said.

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The Turkish capital, Ankara, has boosted its global visibility by hosting a historic NATO summit with historic success, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said on Monday.

Speaking after the Cabinet meeting, the president lauded the organization of the recent summit, recalling that all necessary measures were taken, from security to transport.

He also said that all leaders, including U.S. President Donald Trump, responded positively by attending the summit.

“Ankara has increased its international visibility more than ever before by hosting a historic summit with a historic success,” he said of the July 7-8 summit. He conveyed a belief that this could positively reflect on the tourism as well.

Erdoğan also said the summit was “one of the most closely followed NATO summits by the media” compared with previous alliance meetings he had attended, adding that it showcased “the full grandeur of Türkiye’s deep-rooted state tradition.”

He said that at a time when “the old order is in intensive care and the new system is experiencing birth pangs,” the Presidential Complex had become the center of global diplomacy.

Counter-drone center in Konya

The president, at the same time, said that the NATO leaders agreed on the need to remove barriers to defense industry cooperation, noting that the summit’s inaugural Defence Industry Forum drew nearly 1,000 participants.

Erdoğan also said that NATO had decided to establish a Counter-Unmanned Systems Centre of Excellence in the central Turkish province of Konya.

Moreover, he described Trump’s official visit to Türkiye as “highly significant.”

He said he welcomed Trump’s positive remarks about Türkiye and the NATO summit, and that “we will continue working with President Trump to strengthen Turkish-American relations, increase bilateral trade to $100 billion, and promote peace and stability in our region.”

Erdoğan also one more time offered his condolences to Qatar following the death of former Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, describing him as a visionary leader who played a key role in Qatar’s development and made lasting contributions to strengthening Türkiye-Qatar ties. He praised his support for the Palestinian cause and the broader Muslim world.

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Ten years later, the memory of July 15, 2016 coup attempt by the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) is vivid in collective memory. The attempt remained so thanks to an unprecedented public resistance, largely due to a call to the nation by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

This year’s theme of the events marking the Day of Democracy and National Unity (declared such after the putsch bid was quashed) was “Will of The Nation, Victory of Democracy.” The motto is a reminder that the nation finally stepped up to the plate in the face of an illegal intervention in its will for democracy. For those familiar with the coup-filled history of the Republic of Türkiye, the resistance is unique, especially in its nature. Unarmed people took to the streets simply to confront soldiers loyal to FETÖ on July 15, 2016, with nothing to stop the putschists other than their bodies. It was a gambit, inspired by past victories of outnumbered armies and masses last seen during World War I’s legendary Gallipoli campaign and the ensuing War of Independence. Ultimately, it paid off as the putschists, fearing that the attempt would fail without widespread public support, had to surrender.

Ali Fuat Gökçe, professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Gaziantep University, said Türkiye, in the past, faced coup attempts and coups as a country “unfortunately in the category of countries lacking a proper culture of democracy back then.” “Coups have been theft of the national will. The May 27, 1960 coup, military memorandum of March 12, 1971, postmodern coup of February 28, 1997, and the e-memorandum on April 27, 2007, stained the history of democracy in Türkiye,” Gökçe told Daily Sabah.

Gökçe said it was thought that Türkiye would have never seen a coup attempt after the 2007 e-memorandum, “given that the culture of democracy supposedly flourished and lessons were learned from the past, especially in an era where societies are more familiar with what’s happening elsewhere in the world thanks to developing technology and easier access to information, more aware of views (feeding the culture of democracy).”

“Unfortunately, we witnessed that those who blindly followed others resorted to violence to advance their greedy ambitions, to serve the interests of powers supporting them. This time, however, just as people thought that Turkish democracy would falter once again, something unprecedented happened, and the Turkish nation stood for who they elected to run the country, stood its ground for democracy and took to the streets. They set up barricades to save democracy and prevent a division of the country. They were willing to sacrifice their lives for their commitment to democracy. In this sense, July 15 is a turning point in the history of Turkish democracy,” he said.

Reforms after July 15

The coup attempt spelled a definitive end for FETÖ, which was already facing increasing legal scrutiny before July 15, 2016. Tens of thousands of members of the group, including those who managed to disguise their loyalty to FETÖ, were targeted in counterterrorism operations. Above all, the army was largely cleared of FETÖ loyalists in the immediate aftermath of the coup attempt. However, authorities warn that the danger is not completely over, as occasional operations across the country indicate that FETÖ members try to revive their secretive network while the group’s fugitive members abroad enjoy freedom thanks to countries refusing to extradite them despite Türkiye’s repeated requests.

In a bid to weed out FETÖ members infiltrating state institutions, Türkiye made landmark security reforms. Among them were greater civilian oversight over the armed forces. The Ministry of National Defense was given a larger role in overseeing the army rather than the Office of the Chief of the General Staff. Military high schools and academies, which FETÖ had infiltrated and eliminated cadets not loyal to its cause, were shut down and replaced with the National Defense University, which introduced a civilian authority over those schools. The Gendarmerie General Command and Coast Guard Command were transferred to the authority of the Interior Ministry.

Security after July 15

Türkiye also changed its security doctrine and played a more assertive role in eliminating threats to national security.

Sibel Düz, a senior researcher at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), said July 15 was not the sole factor for the transformation of Türkiye’s security doctrine, but it sped up the necessary security reforms and institutionalized them. “It was a time when the Syrian civil war escalated, the Daesh threat significantly impacted the region and the terrorist group PKK stepped up its terrorist activities after the end of the reconciliation process,” she recalled.

Düz told Daily Sabah that the most concrete change in Türkiye’s security paradigm was adapting a doctrine based on eliminating security threats at their source, “preventive intervention.” “Türkiye expanded its venue of counterterrorism operations abroad and launched a series of cross-border operations in Syria and Iraq to eliminate the terrorism threat at its source. The Euphrates Shield operation (in Syria), the Claw series of operations in Iraq, for instance, differed from previous ‘in and out’ cross-border operations due to their scope. It is safe to say that Türkiye projected power there by setting up permanent bases, deploying forces, and creating areas cleared of terrorism in terms of logistics. Establishing safe zones in Iraq where the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) exerted control through an inkspot strategy, zones serving as buffer areas near the Turkish border largely prevented infiltration (by terrorist groups into Türkiye).”

She stated that Türkiye’s technology focus in security also shifted in the post-July 15 period. “The momentum in the Turkish defense industry was swiftly translated into counterterrorism operations and the security sector. Unmanned systems, sensor and radar systems increased Türkiye’s situational awareness,” she asserted. Düz links these developments to the neutralization of FETÖ elements within the security bureaucracy/sector who exhibited resistance to technological transformation and created “artificial obstacles.”

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Ten years after the July 15 coup attempt in Türkiye, new confessions continue to shed light on the highly organized efforts of the Gülenist Terror Group’s (FETÖ) secret network to ensure the plan’s success and control the narrative, both during and after the coup.

The night of July 15 saw FETÖ’s so-called “secret elders” act in total coordination, according to security sources.

Meanwhile, court records reveal a systematic effort, including messages showing how they aimed to facilitate the coup seamlessly.

One key example is the instructions from FETÖ’s police leader, Temel Alsancak. That night, Alsancak sent a message to FETÖ-affiliated police officers: “Do not resist the soldiers carrying out the coup; do not clash with them.”

This call sought to ensure no resistance, effectively encouraging the country’s surrender to the coup plotters. These orders were later confirmed in confessions and social media posts from FETÖ insiders.

The coordination went beyond the police. FETÖ’s information technology wing organized attacks on broadcasting hubs like TRT, TürkSat and DigiTürk, overseen by civilian engineers who reported to their “elders” in both Ankara and Istanbul.

All FETÖ members worked to secure the coup’s success, including members of the administration who tried to silence public calls to resist in some regions.

Coordination within the organization wasn’t limited to the night of the coup alone. Ebuseleme Gülen, the niece of FETÖ leader Fethullah Gülen, confessed via YouTube that after July 15, vast sums were collected to fund long-term perception campaigns targeting children and youth.

Under Fethullah Gülen’s direct orders, a team led by Adil Öksüz was tasked with developing digital content, including games and animations, to harm President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reputation and depict the July 15 events as justified and heroic.

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President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Tuesday that Türkiye opened a new chapter after the failed July 15, 2016, coup attempt was defeated through public resistance, arguing that subsequent reforms strengthened the country’s democratic and institutional resilience.

Erdoğan made the remarks in a written message sent to a symposium titled “July 15 in Its 10th Year: Political and Legal Dimensions,” organized by the Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) Political and Legal Affairs Department at the party’s headquarters in Ankara.

He said the true intentions of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ), which is responsible for the coup attempt, became clear on the night of July 15.

Erdoğan accused the group of exploiting people’s religious and charitable sentiments for four decades under the guise of service, donations and education.

“The successful defeat of the coup attempt through the resistance of our cherished nation opened an entirely new chapter for Türkiye,” Erdoğan noted.

He commemorated the 253 people killed during the coup attempt and expressed gratitude to those who were wounded.

Erdoğan said Türkiye had both removed what he described as a clandestine terrorist network embedded in state institutions and taken measures to safeguard its democracy.

He identified the presidential system of government, introduced following a 2017 referendum, as one of the most significant changes made after the coup attempt.

The president said the system eliminated dual authority within the executive branch, accelerated decision-making and strengthened the state’s ability to manage crises.

He cited Türkiye’s response to the Russia-Ukraine war, the COVID-19 pandemic, the Feb. 6 earthquakes and what he described as the latest Iran-centered crisis as examples of the system’s effectiveness.

Turkish leader also vowed that Türkiye would continue its campaign against FETÖ within the framework of the law.

“We will never take a step back in the fight against FETÖ,” he stressed, adding that authorities would continue working to prevent another attempted coup.

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